Who is Paul Gilbert?

Introduction

Paul Raymond Gilbert OBE (born 20 July 1951) is a British clinical psychologist. Gilbert is the founder of compassion focused therapy (CFT), compassionate mind training (CMT) and the author of books such as The Compassionate Mind: A New Approach to Life’s Challenges and Overcoming Depression.

Before retirement Gilbert was head of the Mental Health Research Unit, Derbyshire Healthcare NHS Foundation Trust. He remains Professor at the University of Derby. In 2011 Gilbert was awarded the Order of the British Empire (OBE) for his continued contribution in mental healthcare.

Early Life and Education

Gilbert was born in The Gambia and went to a British boarding school in 1962. In early life he considered being a rock guitarist but “unfortunately I was a very average sort of player and I recognized that this wasn’t going to take me very far”. He went to the University of Wolverhampton to study economics, graduating in 1973 before pursuing a career as a psychologist. In 1975 Gilbert gained an MA in Experimental Psychology from the University of Sussex followed by a PhD in Clinical Psychology from the University of Edinburgh in 1980.

Clinical Psychology

In 1993 Gilbert was made a fellow of the British Psychological Society for his contributions to psychological knowledge and was president of the British Association for Cognitive and Behavioural Psychotherapy in 2003. He served on the government’s National Institute for Health Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines for depression. By 2011 Gilbert had published and edited 21 books, over 100 academic papers and 50 book chapters. In addition Professor Gilbert is currently editor for the “Compassionate Approaches to Life Difficulties” book series. Gilbert sits on the Emotion, Personality and Altruism Research Group at the Wright Institute (1992 – present) and is Visiting Professor at the University of Fribourg (Switzerland) and the University of Coimbra (Portugal).

This page is based on the copyrighted Wikipedia article < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Gilbert_(psychologist) >; it is used under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License (CC-BY-SA). You may redistribute it, verbatim or modified, providing that you comply with the terms of the CC-BY-SA.

Who is Diana Fosha?

Introduction

Diana Foșha (17 December 1952 to Present) is a Romanian-American psychologist, known for developing accelerated experiential dynamic psychotherapy (AEDP), and for her work on the psychotherapy of adults suffering the effects of childhood attachment trauma and abuse.

Education and Career

Fosha was born in Bucharest on 17 December 1952, but her family emigrated to the United States when she was 12 years old, settling in New York City. She studied psychology at Barnard College (graduating in 1974) and then went on to complete a doctorate in clinical psychology at the City College of New York. She also undertook post-doctoral training with Habib Davanloo, the developer of a form of psychodynamic psychotherapy called intensive short-term dynamic psychotherapy.

In her early career Fosha held teaching positions at the City College of New York and Adelphi University. She was also an adjunct professor of psychiatry at Bellevue Hospital, and was on the faculty of New York University and the St. Luke’s–Roosevelt Hospital Centre.

Accelerated Experiential Dynamic Psychotherapy

Fosha developed a theory and technique of psychotherapy, accelerated experiential dynamic psychotherapy (AEDP), based upon several conceptual premises as points of departure from the prevailing psychodynamic psychotherapies.[7] Her theory of how healing occurs in psychotherapy derives from her interpretation of research findings in several areas: the neuroscience of attachment, caregiver–infant interaction research, positive psychology, emotion research, psychotherapy research findings on therapist qualities associated with positive therapy outcomes, and phenomenology of the psychological experience of sudden change.[8] The AEDP Institute is actively engaged in ongoing research evaluating the effectiveness of AEDP.[9][10]

Her core premise is that the desire to heal and grow is a wired-in capacity, which she calls the transformance drive.[11] Emotional healing and brain re-wiring[12] the patient, with the help of the therapist, is able to experience, in a regulated manner, emotions that had been blocked due to traumatic overwhelm.[13] Healing is accelerated through a tracking of emerging affect, so the patient can have a complete emotional experience, and then reflect upon the experience of healing change itself, with the help of the therapist. Fosha terms this technique meta-therapeutic processing.

The AEDP Institute was formed in New York City in 2004. The institute has satellite institutes throughout the US, and in Brazil, Canada, France, Italy, Sweden, Israel, China, and Japan.

Selected Bibliography

Books

  • Fosha, D. (2000). The Transforming Power of Affect: A Model For Accelerated Change. Basic Books
  • Fosha, D, Siegel, D., Solomon M., Eds. (2009). The Healing Power of Emotion: Affective Neuroscience, Development & Clinical Practice. New York: W.W. Norton & Co.
  • Prenn, N., Fosha, D. (2016). Supervision Essentials for Accelerated Experiential Dynamic Psychotherapy. Part of the Clinical Supervision Essentials Series. American Psychological Association, Washington, D.C.
  • Fosha, D. (2021). Undoing Aloneness and the Transformation of Suffering Into Flourishing: AEDP 2.0. American Psychological Association, Washington, D.C. AAP Prose Award Winner.

Articles

  • Fosha, D. (2001). The dyadic regulation of affect. Journal of Clinical Psychology/In Session. 57 (2), pages 227–242.
  • Fosha, D. (2001). Trauma reveals the roots of resilience. Special September 11 Issue. Constructivism in the Human Sciences. 6 (1 & 2), pages 7–15.
  • Fosha, D. (2004). “Nothing that feels bad is ever the last step”: The role of positive emotions in experiential work with difficult emotional experiences. Special issue on Emotion, L. Greenberg (Ed.). Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy. 11, pages 30–43.
  • Fosha, D. (2004). Brief integrative psychotherapy comes of age: reflections. Journal of Psychotherapy Integration. 14, pages 66-92.
  • Fosha, D. (2005). Emotion, true self, true other, core state: toward a clinical theory of affective change process. Psychoanalytic Review. 92 (4), pages 513–552.

This page is based on the copyrighted Wikipedia article < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diana_Fosha#Accelerated_experiential_dynamic_psychotherapy >; it is used under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License (CC-BY-SA). You may redistribute it, verbatim or modified, providing that you comply with the terms of the CC-BY-SA.

Who is Elizabeth Loftus (1944 to Present)?

Introduction

Elizabeth F. Loftus (born 1944) is an American psychologist who is best known in relation to the misinformation effect, false memory and criticism of recovered memory therapies.

Loftus’s research includes the effects of phrasing on the perceptions of automobile crashes, the “lost in the mall” technique and the manipulation of food preferences through the use of false memories. In the Jane Doe case that began in 1997, Loftus and Melvin J. Guyer revealed serious concerns about the background and validity of the initial research. She has also served on the executive council of the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry and was a keynote speaker at the British Psychological Society‘s 2011 annual conference.

As well as her scientific work, Loftus has provided expert testimony or consultation for lawyers in over 300 court cases, including for the legal teams of Ghislaine Maxwell, Harvey Weinstein, Ted Bundy, O.J. Simpson, Angelo Buono and Robert Durst. She has also written many books, including The Myth of Repressed Memory: False Memories & Allegations of Sexual Abuse and Witness for the Defense.

Early Life and Education

Born Elizabeth Fishman on 16 October 1944, Loftus grew up in a Jewish family in Bel Air, California.  Her father (Sidney Fishman) was a doctor and her mother (Rebecca Fishman) a librarian.  When Loftus was 14 years old, her mother drowned.

She received a Bachelor of Arts degree in mathematics and psychology from the University of California, Los Angeles, in 1966,  followed by a master’s and PhD in mathematical psychology from Stanford University in 1967 and 1970 respectively. Her thesis was entitled “An Analysis of the Structural Variables That Determine Problem-Solving Difficulty on a Computer-Based Teletype”.

Career

1970 to 1989

From 1970 to 1973, Loftus was employed as a cognitive psychologist at the New School for Social Research in New York City,  after becoming dissatisfied with university work such as calibrating math and word problems for fifth-grade students.  At the time, she had also been investigating semantic memory with Professor Jonathan Freedman at Stanford University.

Loftus was employed at the University of Washington from 1973 to 2001, initially as an assistant professor. She shifted from laboratory work to using “real world” situations of criminal court cases.

Around this time, the United States Department of Transportation was offering funding for research into car crashes. Loftus’s first experiment in this area involved showing 45 students videos of car crashes and then asking the students to estimate the speed of the car. Her findings were that the mean estimates of the speeds were 32 mph when the question was phrased as the speed that the cars “collided”, 34 mph when the question was phrased as “hit each other” instead, and 41 mph when the question was phrased as “smashed each other”. Loftus concluded that “these results are consistent with the view that the questions asked subsequent to an event can cause a reconstruction in one’s memory of that event”.

In 1974, Loftus published two articles with her observations about the conflicting eyewitness accounts in a particular murder trial and about the reliability of witness testimony in general. This resulted in several lawyers contacting her about current cases, beginning her career of paid work providing advice to lawyers.  Early attempts for Loftus to act as an expert witness for these lawyers were deemed inadmissible by judges, however in June 1975 Loftus presented the first expert witness testimony in Washington State on the topic of eyewitness identification.

1990 to 1996

In 1990, George Franklin was on trial for murdering a young girl 20 years prior. The prosecution’s evidence included eyewitness testimony from Franklin’s daughter that she had witnessed the murder, based on a recovered memory which was unearthed during a therapy session a year before the trial. The defence attorney had a theory that the daughter had never seen the crime and that the testimony was based on a false memory. Loftus was employed by the attorney to provide expert testimony in support of this theory. Loftus referred to an experiment where she showed people video of a crime and then an incorrect television news report about the crime. Afterwards, the viewers had mixed up some events from the original video with those in the news report. Loftus argued that the same must have happened to Franklin’s daughter, causing a “memory” of an event that she had not witnessed.

However, the prosecutor forced Loftus to admit that she had never studied memories like those of Franklin’s daughter. Loftus’s studies found that people could misidentify random perpetrators, not that they could mistakenly accuse their own fathers. It was also not proven that memories could be wholly invented, rather than altered. The prosecution was successful and Franklin was convicted, though the conviction was later overturned on appeal and the prosecution declined to retry Franklin. 

In 1991 there were several high-profile court cases of people having recovered memories of having been molested by their parents, which gained Loftus’s attention. She read through several then-current psychology books (The Courage to Heal) which instructed women and therapists in methods of recovering “lost” memories of sexual abuse, and urging therapists to query their clients about childhood incest. Also in 1991, Loftus was deemed an honorary fellow of the British Psychological Society.

Around this time, Loftus’s undergraduate student Jim Coan developed the “lost in the mall” technique.  This technique involved Coan giving his younger brother three stories of actual events from his childhood, plus a false story about the brother being lost in a mall. The younger brother believed all stories to be true and provided further details of the false story.

A similar experiment by Loftus found that 25% of subjects believed that they could remember the event which had never taken place; however, this study was criticised by Lynn Crook and Martha Dean based on the ethics of the subject recruitment method used and Kenneth Pope has argued she overgeneralised the findings to draw conclusions about false memories and therapeutic techniques. A later study by Loftus (involving 332 undergraduate students who received course credit for participating) found that approximately one third of students accepted as true a false story about having their ear licked by a drug-addled Pluto character during a childhood visit to Disneyland.

Following the publication of these studies, armed guards accompanied Loftus at lectures. Also, Loftus had previously received death threats after the publication of her 1994 book The Myth of Repressed Memory.  The same year, Loftus received an In Praise of Reason award from the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry.

In the 1997 New Hampshire vs Joel Hungerford case, the judge set strict conditions on the admissibility of recovered memory testimony.

1997 to 2000

In 1997, psychiatrists David Corwin and Erna Olafson published a case study of a recovered memory of apparently genuine childhood sexual abuse, which became known as the Jane Doe case. Loftus and Melvin Guyer interviewed Jane’s stepmother who revealed that she was involved in building a case against Jane’s mother in a battle for custody of Jane. Jane contacted the University of Washington and accused Loftus of breaching her privacy. The university put Loftus under investigation, including confiscating her files. The investigation lasted for 21 months, during which time Loftus was not allowed to share her findings. The university cleared Loftus of breaking research protocols, and Loftus and Guyer published their findings in 2002.

Loftus’s invitation to give the keynote address at the New Zealand Psychological Society’s conference in August 2000 provoked the society’s director of scientific affairs, John Read, to resign from his position and for conference attendees to distribute materials critical of Loftus’s work. Loftus stated that she “didn’t wear her best jacket” to give her address for “fear of flying tomatoes”. Prior to the conference, Loftus was the subject of several internet posts by conspiracy theorist Diana Napolis which alleged that Loftus was conspiring to help child molesters.

2001 to Present

By 2001, Loftus had become disappointed with the University of Washington’s unwillingness to stand by her during the controversy involving the Jane Doe case, and she left the university. The same year, Loftus received a William James Fellow Award from the Association for Psychological Science.

From 2001 to 2003, Loftus worked for the University of California, Irvine, (UCI) as a distinguished professor in the department of Criminology, Law and Society and the department of Psychological Science. She was also a fellow in the UCI Department of Cognitive Sciences and the Centre for the Neurobiology of Learning and Memory. Her work included an experiment on 131 undergraduate students in relation to preferences for cookies and strawberry ice cream. The students were given false information that they had become sick from these foods when they were under 10 years old, and were asked before and afterwards to rate the likelihood of this event having occurred.

In 2002, Loftus was ranked 58th in the Review of General Psychology’s list of the 100 most influential psychological researchers of the 20th century. The following year, Loftus received the award for Distinguished Scientific Applications of Psychology from the American Psychological Association (APA). Also in 2003, Loftus was elected a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

In 2003, the Taus v. Loftus case in the Supreme Court of California saw Loftus, Melvin J. Guyer and Skeptical Inquirer magazine being sued by Nicole Taus regarding the article they published about her case. The lawsuit included 21 claims of defamation, invasion of privacy, infliction of emotional distress and fraud. Initially, all but one of the claims was dismissed. The remaining claim was regarding Loftus’ self- misrepresentation as Corwin’s colleague and supervisor while interviewing Taus’s foster mother. In August 2007, the remaining claim was withdrawn by Taus, after reaching an agreement that Loftus’s insurance company would pay a settlement of $7,500 to Nicole Taus. The following year, Loftus published her studies on the case.

In 2004, she attempted to implant a false memory in Alan Alda on Scientific American Frontiers. Alda did not accept the false memory of becoming sick as a child from eating a hard-boiled egg. Loftus stated that Alda’s questionnaire self-correction from “definitely didn’t happen” to “happened” supported the false memory theory. The variance in Alda’s pre- and post-experiment responses was not stated. Loftus attended and was a speaker at the Beyond Belief symposium in November 2006. In 2005, she received the Grawemeyer Award in psychology from the University of Louisville. In 2009, she received the Joseph Priestley Award presented by Dickinson College. In 2010, she received the Scientific Freedom and Responsibility Award from the American Association for the Advancement of Science.

From 2011, Loftus was on the executive council of the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry. Loftus was a keynote speaker at the British Psychological Society’s annual conference in 2011.

In June 2013, Loftus presented at the TEDGlobal Conference in Edinburgh, Scotland. She was also the keynote speaker at the 2013 Psychonomic Society annual meeting. In 2015, Loftus received an honorary doctorate in psychology from Goldsmiths, University of London. In 2016, Loftus received the John Maddox Prize, In 2018, she won the Western Psychological Association’s Lifetime Achievement Award and the University College Dublin’s Ulysses Medal.

In 2022, Loftus made Research.com’s list of world’s top female scientists, ranking at No. 451 in the United States.

The Recovered Memory / False Memory Debate

Elizabeth Loftus has been an active participant in controversies over memory since the last decades of the 20th century, known as the recovered memory / false memory debate, or as the “Memory Wars” (as in the title of the book The Memory Wars).

Loftus was a member of the False Memory Syndrome Foundation Scientific Advisory Board. She along with Peter Freyd, Pamela Freyd and the False Memory Syndrome Foundation have argued that there is sufficient experimental evidence that people distort their memories, that human memory is not usually faithful to objective facts, and that false memories can be implanted in other people through suggestion and recovered-memory therapy. Thus, in many or most cases, the memories of childhood abuse that people recover in psychotherapy, and which are sometimes presented in court, are false memories.

Other scholars and specialists including Bessel van der Kolk, Lenore Terr, Jennifer Freyd and Linda Williams argue that there are well-documented cases of forgetting and later remembering traumatic events that occurred during childhood or adulthood by people in both clinical and non-clinical populations.

Elizabeth Loftus has argued that the concept of memory inhibition or repression is inadequate and that there is no such thing as repressed and later recovered memories of traumatic events. Loftus criticises recovered-memory therapy and in particular Freud’s psychoanalysis for spreading these inadequate concepts.

Richard McNally argues that forgetting of childhood abuse events can be explained by other factors such as ordinary forgetting or nondisclosure and that the theory of a motivational mechanism for forgetting (repression) is unnecessary.

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5) and the Eleventh revision of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11) do not use the concept of repression but that of dissociative amnesia. Dissociative amnesia is the forgetfulness due to psychological causes, including stress, of certain autobiographical events, which can cover short or long periods. The DSM-5 includes dissociative amnesia as a disorder (a clinical syndrome) and also as a symptom (among others) of post-traumatic stress disorder.

In 1977 Florence Rush argued that Freud’s theory about the Oedipus complex was created to cover up real cases of sexual abuse committed by adults against children. According to this, Freud changed his initially posited seduction theory because he wanted to hide the reality of the traumas that his patients would have suffered. In 1984 Jeffrey Moussaieff Masson published The Assault on Truth, where, like Rush, he argues that Freud covered up the reality of sexual abuse.

Drawing on Rush and Masson, Susie Orbach argues that Freud replaced his theory of seduction and childhood sexual trauma with the theory of the Oedipus complex. Freud changed his views and decided that his patients’ memories of sexual abuse were actually imaginary, neurotic fantasies of unrealised events and Oedipal wishes. This change in Freudian theory was criticised by Sandor Ferenczi and John Bowlby among other mental health specialists.

Phil Mollon claims that Freud was ahead of his time and that the new findings on false memory syndrome confirm the claims Freud made a century ago about imaginary memories.

On the other hand, in addition to Elizabeth Loftus, several reputable modern psychologists and psychiatrists, including Ulric Neisser, Julia Shaw and Daniel Schacter agree that human memory is usually not true to the facts.

The book edited by Robert Belli True and False Recovered Memories. Toward a Reconciliation of the Debate (2012) tries to make a synthesis that takes into account the part of truth and reason that both parts have in the debate.

Involvement in Legal Cases

Loftus has testified in over 300 cases, and consulted on many more. Her legal cases include:

  • Robert Durst’s 2020 trial for murder: Loftus testified for the defence regarding the killing of Susan Berman.
  • Ghislaine Maxwell’s 2021 trial for sex-trafficking: Loftus testified for the defence during Maxwell’s trial regarding sex trafficking of under-age girls for Jeffrey Epstein. This was the first case where Loftus claimed that the potential for financial rewards could cause a human brain to create a false traumatic memory; when questioned about the basis of the theory by the jury, Loftus stated “I am not aware of any studies on that, but based on my research, it’s definitely plausible.”
  • Harvey Weinstein’s 2020 trial for rape and sexual assault: Loftus testified for the defence during Weinstein’s trial for sexual assault of two women.

Loftus has also been involved with the cases of Ted Bundy, O.J. Simpson, Rodney King, Oliver North, Martha Stewart, Lewis Libby, Michael Jackson, the Menéndez brothers and the Oklahoma City bombers.

Personal Life

From 1968 to 1991, Elizabeth was married to fellow psychologist Geoffrey Loftus.

Publications

Loftus has written or co-authored many journal articles and books, including the 1994 book titled The Myth of Repressed Memory.

This page is based on the copyrighted Wikipedia article < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elizabeth_Loftus >; it is used under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License (CC-BY-SA). You may redistribute it, verbatim or modified, providing that you comply with the terms of the CC-BY-SA.

What is Social Comparison Theory?

Introduction

Social comparison theory, initially proposed by social psychologist Leon Festinger in 1954, centres on the belief that individuals drive to gain accurate self-evaluations. The theory explains how individuals evaluate their opinions and abilities by comparing themselves to others to reduce uncertainty in these domains and learn how to define the self. Comparing oneself to others socially is a form of measurement and self-assessment to identify where an individual stands according to their own set of standards and emotions about themselves.

Following the initial theory, research began to focus on social comparison as a way of self-enhancement, introducing the concepts of downward and upward comparisons and expanding the motivations of social comparisons. Social comparison can be traced back to the pivotal paper by Herbert Hyman, back in 1942. Hyman revealed the assessment of one’s own status is dependent on the group with whom one compares oneself. The social comparison theory is the belief that media influence, social status, and other forms of competitiveness can affect our self-esteem and mood. This can affect individuals’ outlook on themselves and how they fit in with others.

Leon Festinger

Leon Festinger was an American psychologist who developed the concept of social comparison theory. Festinger was born in New York City on 08 May 1919. Festinger was interested in science, which led him to pursue a career in psychology. He received his bachelor’s degree from City College and went on to Iowa State University for his master’s degree and Ph.D., which he received in 1942. Leon Festinger made his mark in social psychology by teaching the importance of scientific experimentation while challenging the influence of behaviourism and its effects.

Festinger put forward many hypotheses about social comparison theory. First, he explained that humans always examine their own views and capabilities in comparison with other people and have the urge to evaluate themselves accordingly. In addition, he argued that these comparisons tend to decrease as the difference between oneself and the other individual with whom one compares oneself begins to increase. He also thought that people have a desire to achieve greater abilities, but there are social constraints that make it difficult to achieve this, and this is often not sufficiently reflected in society’s views.

He continued with the idea that ending comparisons between oneself and others would lead to hostility and disdain of ideas. Their hypothesis also stated that making a change in the importance of a comparison group would increase the pressure to conform to that group. However, he added that if the person, image, or comparison group is very different from the evaluator, the tendency to narrow the range of comparability will become stronger (Festinger, 1954). Lastly, he hypothesized that the comparers’ tendencies would be influenced by their distance from the comparison group’s mode, with those who are closer to the mode having higher tendencies to change and those who are farther away having less (Festinger, 1954).

Initial Framework

In the theory, Festinger provided nine main hypotheses:

  • First, he stated that humans have a basic drive to evaluate their opinions and abilities and that people evaluate themselves through objective, non-social means (Hypothesis I).
  • Second, Festinger stated that if objective, non-social means were not available, people would evaluate their opinions and abilities by comparison to other people (Hypothesis II).
  • Next, he hypothesized that the tendency to compare oneself to another person decreases as the difference between their opinions and abilities becomes more divergent. In other words, if someone is much different from you, you are less likely to compare yourself to that person (Hypothesis III).
  • He next hypothesized that there is a unidirectional drive upward in the case of abilities, which is largely absent in opinions. This drive refers to the value that is placed on doing better and better. (Hypothesis IV).
  • Next, Festinger hypothesizes that non-social restraints make it difficult or even impossible to change one’s ability. These restraints are mainly absent for opinions. People can change their thoughts when they want to. Still, no matter how motivated individuals may be to improve their ability, other elements may make this impossible (Hypothesis V).
  • Festinger hypothesizes that the cessation of comparison with others is accompanied by hostility or derogation to the extent that continued comparison with those persons implies unpleasant consequences (Hypothesis VI)
  • Next, any factors that increase the importance of some particular group as a comparison group from some specific opinion or ability will increase the pressure toward uniformity concerning that ability or opinion within that group. Suppose discrepancies arise between the evaluator and the comparison group. In that case, there is a tendency to reduce the divergence by either attempting to persuade others or changing their personal views to attain uniformity. However, the importance, relevance, and attraction to a comparison group that affects the original motivation for comparison mediate the pressures towards uniformity (Hypothesis VII).
  • His following hypothesis states that if persons divergent from one’s own opinion or ability are perceived as different from oneself on attributes consistent with the divergence, the tendency to narrow the range of comparability becomes stronger (Hypothesis VIII).
  • Lastly, Festinger hypothesized that when there is a range of opinions or abilities in a group, the relative strength of the three manifestations of pressures toward uniformity will be different for those who are close to the group’s mode than those who are distant from the mode. Those close to the mode will have stronger tendencies to change the positions of others, weaker tendencies to narrow the range of comparison, and even weaker tendencies to change their own opinions (Hypothesis IX).[1]

Theoretical Advances

Since its inception, the initial framework has undergone several advances. Key among these are developments in understanding the motivations that underlie social comparisons and the particular types of social comparisons that are made. Motives that are relevant to social comparison include self-enhancement, maintenance of a positive self-evaluation, components of attributions and validation, and the avoidance of closure. While there have been changes in Festinger’s original concept, many fundamental aspects remain, including the prevalence of the tendency towards social comparison and the general process that is social comparison.

Compare and Contrast Self-Evaluation to Self-Enhancement

According to Thorton and Arrowood, self-evaluation is one of the functions of social comparison. This is one process that underlies how an individual engages in social comparison. Each individual’s specific goals will influence how they engage in social comparison. For self-evaluation, people tend to choose a similar comparison target. Specifically, they are most interested in choosing a target who shares some distinctive characteristic with themselves. They also think that knowing the truth about themselves is salutary. Research suggests that most people believe that choosing a similar target helps ensure the accuracy of the self-evaluation. However, individuals do not always act as unbiased self-evaluators and accurate self-evaluations may not be the primary goal of social comparison. There have been many studies and they have shown that American women tend to be dissatisfied with their looks, they either rate themselves “too plain, old, pimply, fat, hairy, tall” and so much more. Women are much more sensitive than men, especially with it having to do with their physical appearance. Due to media digitally altering women’s appearance from the width of their torso or arms to the softness of their complexion creates the ideal that thin and flawless is the only acceptable way to look. This leads to diet culture, excessive exercise, and had led to many eating disorders. This form of social comparison can cause harm and can affect the development of the way someone sees themselves.

Individuals may also seek self-enhancement, or to improve their self-esteem. They may interpret, distort, or ignore the information gained by social comparison to see themselves more positively and further their self-enhancement goals. People also seek self-enhancement because holding favourable illusions about themselves is gratifying. They will also choose to make upward (comparing themselves to someone better off) or downward (comparing themselves to someone worse off) comparisons, depending on which strategy will further their self-enhancement goals. Specifically, when an individual believes that their ability in a specific area is low, they will avoid making upward social comparisons in that area. Unlike self-evaluation goals, people engaging in social comparison with the goal of self-enhancement may not seek out a similar target. In fact, if a target’s similarity is seen as a threat due to the target outperforming the individual on some dimension, the individual may downplay the similarity of the target to themselves. This notion ties closely to the phenomena in psychology introduced also by Leon Festinger himself as it relates to the diminishing of cognitive dissonance. This dissonance causes a psychological uncomfortableness that motivates a person to remove the dissonance. The more dissonance there is, the greater sense of pressure to remove the dissonance and uncomfortableness caused by it. One does not want to perceive oneself in a way that would downplay one’s original belief upon which one’s self-esteem is based and therefore in order to reduce the cognitive dissonance, one is willing to change the cognitive representation of the other person whom one compares oneself to, such that one’s own belief about oneself remains intact. This effectively leads to the comparison of apples to oranges or psychological denial.

Article

When individuals engage in self-comparisons, a complex interplay of psychological and motivational factors comes into play, driving them to become more competitive. one of the key mechanisms at play is the motivation for self-improvement. For instance, in an academic setting, students compare themselves to peers who consistently achieve higher grades can spark a sense of determination and desire to excel in school. Moreover, the comparison to those perceived as superior serves as a powerful catalyst for personal growth and development. when individuals benchmark themselves against someone they view as highly successful, whether in their professional career or personal achievements, it triggers a process of emulation. the desire to achieve a comparable level of success becomes a driving force, propelling individuals to set higher goals, strive for excellence, and continuously evolve to reach the standards set by their role models. The process of self-comparison is deeply ingrained in human nature, and it serves as a fundamental aspect of our social and psychological development. While comparing ourselves to others can offer valuable insights and motivation, the way we engage in this process can vary widely, influencing our self-perception and overall well-being. the interplay between self-comparison, self-enhancement, and positive self-evaluation highlights the complexity of human psychology. While these cognitive processes can contribute to resilience and self-confidence, they also carry the risk of distorting reality and fostering an unrealistic self-image. striking a balance between acknowledging personal strengths and weaknesses, learning from others, and maintaining a healthy level of self-awareness is essential for overall psychological well-being.

Later advances in theory led to self-enhancement being one of the four self-evaluation motives, along with self-assessment, self-verification, and self-improvement.

Upward and Downward Social Comparisons

Wills introduced the concept of downward comparison in 1981. Downward social comparison is a defensive tendency that is used as a means of self-evaluation. When a person looks to another individual or group that they consider to be worse off than themselves in order to feel better about their personal situation, they are making a downward social comparison. Research has suggested that social comparisons with others who are better off or superior, or upward comparisons, can lower self-regard, whereas downward comparisons can elevate self-regard. Downward comparison theory emphasizes the positive effects of comparisons in increasing one’s subjective well-being. For example, it has been found that breast cancer patients made the majority of comparisons with patients less fortunate than themselves. Ashby found similar results in his experiment showing, downward comparison in people subjected to distress from a physical illness such as heart disease or cancer. They also see those who recover from the same illness, and the study found that patients tended to be more optimistic about their own recovery.

Although social comparison research has suggested that upward comparisons can lower self-regard, Collins indicates that this is not always the case. Individuals make upward comparisons, whether consciously or subconsciously when they compare themselves with an individual or comparison group that they perceive as superior or better than themselves in order to improve their views of self or to create a more positive perception of their personal reality. Upward social comparisons are made to self-evaluate and self-improve in the hopes that self-enhancement will also occur. In an upward social comparison, people want to believe themselves to be part of the elite or superior and make comparisons highlighting the similarities between themselves and the comparison group, unlike a downward social comparison, where similarities between individuals or groups are disassociated.

It has also been suggested that upward comparisons may provide an inspiration to improve, and in one study, it was found that while breast cancer patients made more downward comparisons, they showed a preference for information about more fortunate others.

Another study indicated that people who were dieting often used upward social comparisons by posting pictures of thinner people on their refrigerators. These pictures served not only as a reminder of an individual’s current weight but also as an inspiration for a goal to be reached. In simple terms, downward social comparisons are more likely to make us feel better about ourselves, while upward social comparisons are more likely to motivate us to achieve more or reach higher.

The influence of social media on self-comparisons adds another layer of discussion. social media platforms, with their curated content and highlight reels, often become arenas for people to engage in upward social comparisons. The contrast streams of carefully crafted images and updates create an environment where people feel compelled to showcase the positive aspects of their lives, contributing to the phenomenon of self-preservation. The pressure to maintain a favourable online image can intensify the desire for upward social comparisons, as individuals strive to present themselves in the best possible light. the fear of missing out (FOMO) becomes a significant factor in this context. seeing peers enjoying seemingly enriching experiences, luxurious lifestyles, or achieving notable milestones can trigger anxiety and a sense of inadequacy in those making comparisons. Research has indeed indicated a correlation between upward social comparison on social media and negative well-being. people who frequently engage in comparing their lives to the seemingly superior lives of others may experience heightened levels of stress, dissatisfaction, and even symptoms of social media addiction. the constant exposure to idealised representations can create unrealistic standards, fostering a perpetual cycle of discontent. Moreover, the addictive nature of social media platforms, driven by the need for validation through likes and comments, further amplifies the impact of upward social comparison.

Moderators of Social Comparison

Aspinwall and Taylor looked at mood, self-esteem, and threat as moderators that drive individuals to choose to make upward or downward social comparisons. Downward comparisons in cases where individuals had experienced a threat to their self-esteem produced more favourable self-evaluations.

High Self-Esteem and Social Comparison

Aspinwall and Taylor found that upward social comparisons were good in circumstances where the individuals making the comparisons had high self-esteem because these types of comparisons provided them with more motivation and hope than downward social comparisons. However, if these individuals had experienced a recent threat or setback to their self-esteem, they reported that upward comparisons resulted in a more negative affect than downward comparisons. positive self-evaluation, a related concept, involves people assessing themselves in a more positive light than external or objective criteria. This cognitive bias can manifest in various ways, such as perceiving oneself as more competent, attractive, or virtuous than others perceive them. positive self-evaluation is a different process that goes beyond comparison and involves introspection, critical analysis, and reflection on one’s strengths, weaknesses, and progress in specific areas.

Low Self-Esteem and social Comparison

However, people with low self-esteem or people who are experiencing some sort of threat in their life (such as doing poorly in school, or suffering from an illness) tend to favour downward comparisons over upward comparisons. People with low self-esteem and negative affect improve their mood by making downward comparisons. Their mood does not improve as much as it would if they had high self-esteem. Even for people with low self-esteem, these downward social comparisons do improve their negative mood and allow them to feel hope and motivation for their future. However, these feelings of hope could deter them from succeeding due to the harshness with which they judge themselves for their successes and failures. Lower self-esteem can lead an individual to have higher standards for themselves but may never achieve them due to the judgment they receive from within.

Affect/Mood and its Effect on Social Comparison

Individuals who have a negative mood improve their mood by making upward social comparisons, regardless of their level of self-esteem. In addition, both individuals with high self-esteem and low self-esteem who are in a positive mood elevate their mood further by making upward comparisons. However, for those who have recently experienced a threat to their self-esteem or a setback in their life, making upward social comparisons instead of downward social comparisons results in a more negative effect. Self-esteem and the existence of a threat or setback in an individual’s life are two moderators of their response to upward or downward comparisons.

Competitiveness

Because individuals are driven upwards in the case of abilities, social comparisons can drive competition among peers. In this regard, a comparison’s psychological significance depends on an individual’s social status and the context in which their abilities are being evaluated. One interesting psychological phenomenon related to self-comparison is the concept of self-enhancement. This occurs when people, consciously or unconsciously, focus on the weaknesses or shortcomings of others as a means of boosting their self-esteem. by highlighting the flaws of others, people can create a comparative context where they perceive themselves in a more favourable light. this self-enhancement strategy is often driven by the fundamental human desire to maintain a positive self-image and preserve one’s sense of worth.

Social Status

Competitiveness resulting from social comparisons may be greater in relation to higher social status because individuals with more status have more to lose. In one study, students in a classroom were presented with a bonus point programme where, based on chance, some students’ grades would increase and others would remain the same. Although students could not lose by this programme, higher-status individuals were more likely to object to the programme and report a perceived distributive injustice. It was suggested that this was a cognitive manifestation of an aversion to downward mobility, which has more psychological significance when an individual has more status.

Proximity to a Standard

When individuals are evaluated where meaningful standards exist, such as in an academic classroom where students are ranked, then competitiveness increases as proximity to a standard of performance increases. When the only meaningful standard is the top, then high-ranking individuals are most competitive with their peers, and individuals at low and intermediate ranks are equally competitive. However, when both high and low rankings hold significance, then individuals at high and low ranks are equally competitive and are both more competitive than individuals at intermediate ranks.

Models of Social Comparison

Several models have been introduced to social comparison, including the self-evaluation maintenance model (SEM), proxy model, the triadic model and the three-selves model.

Self-Evaluation Maintenance Model

The SEM model proposes that we make comparisons to maintain or enhance our self-evaluations, focusing on the antagonistic processes of comparison and reflection. Abraham Tesser has researched self-evaluation dynamics that have taken several forms. A self-evaluation maintenance (SEM) model of social behaviour focuses on the consequences of another person’s outstanding performance on one’s own self-evaluation. It sketches out some conditions under which the other’s good performance bolsters self-evaluation, i.e. “basking in reflected glory”, and conditions under which it threatens self-evaluation through a comparison process.

Proxy Model

The proxy model anticipates the success of something that is unfamiliar. The model proposes that if a person is successful or familiar with a task, then he or she would also be successful at a new, similar task. The proxy is evaluated based on ability and is concerned with the question, “Can I do X?” A proxy’s comparison is based on previous attributes. The opinion of the comparer and whether the proxy exerted maximum effort on a preliminary task are variables influencing his or her opinion.

Triadic Model

The Triadic Model builds on the attribution elements of social comparison, proposing that opinions of social comparison are best considered in terms of 3 different evaluative questions: preference assessment (i.e. “Do I like X?”), belief assessment (i.e. “Is X correct?”), and preference prediction (i.e. “Will I like X?”). In the Triadic Model, the most meaningful comparisons are with a person who has already experienced a proxy and exhibits consistency in related attributes or past preferences.

Three-Selves Model

The three-selves model proposes that social comparison theory is a combination of two different theories. One theory is developed around motivation and the factors that influence the type of social comparison information people seek from their environment, and the second is about self-evaluation and the factors that influence the effects of social comparisons on the judgments of self. While there has been much research in the area of comparison motives, there has been little in the area of comparative evaluation. Explaining that the self is conceived as interrelated conceptions accessible depending upon current judgement context and taking a cue from Social Cognitive Theory, this model examines the Assimilation effect and distinguishes three classes of working Self-concept ideas: individual selves, possible selves and collective selves.

Media Influence

The influence of media has been found to play a large role in social comparisons. Researchers examining the social effects of the media have found that in most cases, women tend to engage in upward social comparisons, measuring themselves against some form of societal ideal with a target other, which results in more negative feelings about the self. Social comparisons have become a relevant mechanism for learning about appearance-related social expectations among peers and for evaluating the self in terms of those standards. Although men do make upward comparisons, research finds that more women make upward comparisons and are comparing themselves with unrealistically high standards presented in the media. As women are shown more mainstream media images of powerful, successful, and thin women, they perceive the “ideal” to be the norm for societal views of attractiveness.

Self-perceived similarities with role models on social media can also affect self-esteem for both men and women. Having more self-perceived similarities with a role model can help increase self-esteem, while having less can decrease self-esteem. Social comparison with peers on social media can also lead to feelings of self-pity or satisfaction. The desire for social comparison can cause FoMO and compulsive checking of social media sites.

Over the years, Instagram has become one of the largest social media platforms, mainly among the younger generations. With the growing popularity, individuals worry that this platform may lead to significant emotional burdens, including stress, anxiety, or well-being. A 2020 cross-sectional online survey study in Singapore empirically tested the pathway that linked Instagram to social anxiety. The findings demonstrated that using Instagram would not directly increase social anxiety, but it would instead affect social comparison and self-esteem. There should be continuous research on the underlying impacts of social media on emotional security and help educators design better programmes to support the ongoing positive growth of wellness during this digital era.

When looking at social media platforms, studies have been conducted to analyse the interaction between social networking sites and the upward comparisons viewers can make when viewing their content. Looking specifically at Instagram, a study conducted at the University of Florida in 2021 examined students’ emotions when looking at posts on the platform. The participants in the study assessed themselves more negatively after being presented with this content and felt worse about themselves, which the researchers were able to conclude were similar to the emotions felt when an individual upwardly compared themselves within Social Comparison Theory.

Another emerging media platform is fitness-tracking apps. Shanghai Jiaotong University and East China University of Science and Technology conducted a study in 2018 looking at these apps and Social Comparison theory. They found within their research that people who use these apps could be affected by upward social comparison. Individuals who upwardly compared themselves to other individuals using the app were less likely to want to keep using it.

Teens often feel inferior when looking at their peers’ posts with high achievements and many friends, leading them to have upward comparisons. In contrast, when Teens look at their peers’ posts with fewer friends and achievements, they make downward comparisons. In 2019, Newport Academy conducted a longitudinal survey of 219 first-year students at a university, showing compelling results on the correlation between social media and the theory of social comparison. The researchers’ results indicated that the different social media comparisons imply that some comparisons are more favourable than others. This, overall, may affect a teen’s identity development. Most comparisons can cause negative introspection and personal distress. In contrast, others regard it as an opinion that increases others’ well-being. When teens feel empowered, they can express their vulnerable views, supporting identity formation. More research concludes the influence of parents can also help reduce the negative impact of social media comparison. Parents’ support and unconditional love mitigate anguish associated with teen social comparison.

studies have shed light on the dynamic of social comparison on Instagram, especially among women. The pursuit of likes and comments becomes a quantifiable metric for assessing social approval and attractiveness. The number of likes a post receives and the nature of the comments can, in some cases, be internalised as a reflection of one’s personal appearance and overall appeal. This quantification of online validation can create tangible and, at times, unhealthy links between social media engagement and self-esteem. for women, in particular, Instagram can be a platform for implicit competition, where the number of followers, the aesthetic quality of posts, and the overall engagement metrics contribute to a sense of social standing. The pressure to conform to beauty standards perpetuated on the platform can fuel an ongoing cycle of comparison, influencing self-perception and self-worth. Additionally, the emphasis on curated edited images on Instagram can contribute to a distorted sense of reality. women find themselves comparing their everyday lives to the carefully constructed and filtered snapshots presented by others, potentially leading to feelings of inadequacy and the perpetuation of unrealistic beauty standards.

Criticisms

Many criticisms arose regarding Festinger’s similarity hypothesis. Deutsch and Krauss argued that people seek out dissimilar others in their comparisons, maintaining that this is important for providing valuable self-knowledge, as demonstrated in research. Ambiguity also circulated about the critical dimensions for similarity. Goethals and Darley clarified the role of similarity, suggesting that people prefer to compare those who are similar on related attributes such as opinions, characteristics or abilities to increase confidence for value judgements. However, those dissimilar in related attributes are preferred when validating one’s beliefs.

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Who was Ole Ivar Lovaas (1927-2010)?

Introduction

Ole Ivar Løvaas (08 May 1927 to 02 August 2010) was a Norwegian-American clinical psychologist and professor at the University of California, Los Angeles. He is most well known for his research on what is now called applied behaviour analysis (ABA) to teach autistic children through prompts, modeling, and positive reinforcement. The therapy is also noted for its use of aversives (punishment) to reduce undesired behavior, however these are now used less commonly than in the past.

Løvaas founded the Lovaas Institute and co-founded the Autism Society of America. He is also considered a pioneer of ABA due to his development of discrete trial training and early intensive behavioural intervention for autistic children.

His work influenced how autism is treated, and Løvaas received widespread acclaim and several awards during his lifetime.

Personal Life

Løvaas was born in Lier, Norway on 8 May 1927 to Hildur and Ernst Albert Løvaas. He had two siblings: an older sister named Nora and a younger brother named Hans Erik. Løvaas attended Hegg Elementary School in Lier from 1934 to 1941. He attended junior high school at Drammen Realskole until 1944, and then moved on to Drammen Latin School for high school, graduating in 1947.

Following World War II, Løvaas moved to the United States. There he married Beryl Scoles in 1955, and together they had four children. Lovaas later divorced his wife and remarried Nina Watthen in 1986.

Career

After graduating from high school, Løvaas served in the Norwegian Air Force for 18 months. He was a forced farm worker during the 1940s Nazi occupation of Norway, and often said that observing the Nazis had sparked his interest in human behaviour.

He attended Luther College in Decorah, Iowa, graduating in 1951 after just one year with his B.A. in sociology. Løvaas received his Masters of Science in clinical psychology from the University of Washington in 1955, and his PhD in learning and clinical psychology from the same school 3 years later.

Early in his career, Løvaas worked at the Pinel foundation, which focused on Freudian psychoanalysis. After earning his PhD, he took a position at the University of Washington’s Child Development Institute, where he first learned of behaviour analysis. Løvaas began teaching at UCLA in 1961 in the Department of Psychology, where he performed research on children with autism spectrum disorder at the school’s Neuropsychiatric Institute. He started an early intervention clinic at UCLA called the UCLA Young Autism Project, which provided intensive intervention inside the children’s homes. He was named professor emeritus in 1994. Løvaas also established the Lovaas Institute for Early Intervention (LIFE) that provides interventions based on his research.

Løvaas taught now prominent behaviorists, such as Robert Koegel, Laura Schreibman, Tristram Smith, Doreen Granpeesheh, John McEachin, Ron Leaf, Jacquie Wynn, and thousands of UCLA students who took his “Behaviour Modification” course during his 50 years of teaching. He also co-founded what is today the Autism Society of America (ASA), published hundreds of research articles and several books, and received many accolades for his research. Due to this research, a number of school districts have adopted his programmes. His work influenced how autism is treated.

Research

Autism Intervention

Early Research

Løvaas established the Young Autism Project clinic at UCLA in 1962, where he began his research, authored training manuals, and recorded tapes of him and his graduate students implementing errorless learning—based on operant conditioning and what was then referred to as behaviour modification—to instruct autistic children. He later coined the term “discrete trial training” to describe the procedure, which was used to teach listener responding, eye contact, fine and gross motor imitation, receptive and expressive language, academic, and a variety of other skills. In an errorless discrete trial, the child sits at a table across from the therapist who provides an instruction (i.e. “do this”, “look at me”, “point to”, etc.), followed by a prompt, then the child’s response, and a stimulus reinforcer. The prompts are later discontinued once the child demonstrates proficiency. During this time, Løvaas and colleagues also employed physical aversives (punishment), such as electric shocks and slaps, to decrease aggressive and self-injurious behaviour, as well as verbal reprimands if the child answered incorrectly or engaged in self-stimulatory behaviour.

1987 Study

In 1987, Løvaas published a study which demonstrated that, following forty hours a week of treatment, 9 of the 19 autistic children developed typical spoken language, increased IQs by 30 points on average, and were placed in regular classrooms. A 1993 follow-up study found that 8 maintained their gains and were “indistinguishable from their typically developing peers”, scoring in the normal range of social and emotional functioning. His studies were limited because Løvaas did not randomise the participants or treatment groups. This produced a quasi-experiment in which he was able to control the assignment of children to treatment groups. His manipulation of the study in this way may have been responsible for the observed effects. The true efficacy of his method cannot be determined since his studies cannot be repeated for ethical reasons. A 1998 study subsequently recommended that EIBI programs be regarded with scepticism. In 1999, the United States Surgeon General’s office wrote, “Thirty years of research has demonstrated the efficacy of applied behavioral methods in reducing inappropriate behavior and in increasing communication, learning, and appropriate social behavior”, and he also endorsed the 1987 study.

Literature Reviews

According to a 2007 review study in Paediatrics:

“The effectiveness of [EIBI] in [autism spectrum disorder] has been well-documented through 5 decades of research by using single-subject methodology and in controlled studies… in university and community settings.”

It further stated:

“Children who receive early intensive behavioral treatment have been shown to make substantial, sustained gains in IQ, language, academic performance, and adaptive behavior as well as some measures of social behavior, and their outcomes have been significantly better than those of children in control groups.”

However, the study also recommended to later generalise the child’s skills with more naturalistic ABA-based procedures, such as incidental teaching and pivotal response treatment, so their progress is maintained.

Another review in 2008 described DTT as a “‘well-established’ psychosocial intervention for improving the intellectual performance of young children with autism spectrum disorders…” In 2011, it was found that the intervention is effective for some, but “the literature is limited by methodological concerns” due to there being small sample sizes and very few studies that used random assignment, and a 2018 Cochrane review subsequently indicated low-quality evidence to support this method. Nonetheless, a meta-analysis in the same journal database concludes how some recent research is beginning to suggest that because of the heterology of ASD, there is a wide range of different learning styles and that it is the children with lower receptive language skills who acquire spoken language from Løvaas’ treatment. In 2023, a randomised control trial study of 164 participants indicated similar findings.

UCLA Feminine Boy Project

Løvaas co-authored a study with George Rekers in 1974 where they attempted to modify the behaviour of feminine male children through the use of rewards and punishment with the goal of preventing them from becoming adult transsexuals. The subject of the first of these studies, a young boy at the age of 4 at the inception of the experiment, died by suicide as an adult in 2003; his family attribute the suicide to this treatment. Despite the follow-up study (which Løvaas was not involved in) writing that the therapy successfully converted his homosexuality, his sister expressed concerns that it was overly biased as “he was conditioned to say that”, and she read his journal, which described how he feared disclosing his sexual orientation due to his father spanking him as a child as punishment for engaging in feminine behaviour, such as playing with dolls.

In October 2020, the Journal of Applied Behaviour Analysis officially issued an Expression of Concern about the Rekers and Løvaas study.[30] In the editorial accompanying the Expression of Concern, the journal discusses the damage done by the study. It emphasizes that the study inflicted personal harm upon the study’s subject and his family, as well as to the gay community, for inappropriately promoting the study as evidence that conversion therapy is effective. It also argues that the field of behaviour analysis was harmed by the false portrayal that the study and the use of conversion therapy are currently representative of the field.

Awards and Accolades

Løvaas received praise from several organizations during his lifetime. In 2001, he was given the Society of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology Distinguished Career Award. He received the Edgar Doll Award from the 33rd Division of the American Psychological Association, the Lifetime Research Achievement Award from the 55th Division of the American Psychological Association, and the Award for Effective Presentation of Behaviour Analysis in the Mass Media by the Association for Behaviour Analysis International. Løvaas also earned a Guggenheim fellowship and the California Senate Award, which is an honorary doctorate. He was named a Fellow by Division 7 of the American Psychological Association and was given the Champion of Mental Health Award by Psychology Today.

Criticism

The goal of making autistic people indistinguishable from their peers has attracted significant backlash from autistic advocates. Julia Bascom of the Autistic Self Advocacy Network (ASAN) has said “ASAN’s objection is fundamentally an ethical one. The stated end goal of ABA is an autistic child who is ‘indistinguishable from their peers’—an autistic child who can pass as neurotypical. We don’t think that’s an acceptable goal. The end goal of all services, supports, interventions, and therapies an autistic child receives should be to support them in growing up into an autistic adult who is happy, healthy, and living a self-determined life.”

Løvaas has also been criticised for his view of autistic people in relation to other people, as he said in a statement during an interview, “You start pretty much from scratch when you work with an autistic person. You have a person in the physical sense – they have hair, a nose, a mouth – but they are not people in the psychological sense.”

Aversives

Løvaas is credited with popularizing the use of aversives in behaviour modification, as shown in a Life magazine photo spread in 1965.

He later admitted that they were only temporarily effective and punishments became less effective over time. Eventually, Løvaas abandoned these tactics, telling CBS in a 1994 interview, “These people are so used to pain that they can adapt to almost any kind of aversive you give them.”

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What is Common Coding Theory?

Introduction

Common coding theory is a cognitive psychology theory describing how perceptual representations (e.g. of things we can see and hear) and motor representations (e.g. of hand actions) are linked. The theory claims that there is a shared representation (a common code) for both perception and action. More important, seeing an event activates the action associated with that event, and performing an action activates the associated perceptual event.

The idea of direct perception-action links originates in the work of the American psychologist William James and more recently, American neurophysiologist and Nobel prize winner Roger Sperry. Sperry argued that the perception–action cycle is the fundamental logic of the nervous system. Perception and action processes are functionally intertwined: perception is a means to action and action is a means to perception. Indeed, the vertebrate brain has evolved for governing motor activity with the basic function to transform sensory patterns into patterns of motor coordination.

Background

The classical approach to cognition is a ‘sandwich’ model which assumes three stages of information processing: perception, cognition and then action. In this model, perception and action do not interact directly, instead cognitive processing is needed to convert perceptual representations into action. For example, this might require creating arbitrary linkages (mapping between sensory and motor codes).

In contrast, the common coding account claims that perception and action are directly linked by a common computational code.

This theory, put forward by Wolfgang Prinz and his colleagues from the Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences, claims parity between perception and action. Its core assumption is that actions are coded in terms of the perceivable effects (i.e. the distal perceptual events) they should generate. This theory also states that perception of an action should activate action representations to the degree that the perceived and the represented action are similar. Such a claim suggests that we represent observed, executed and imagined actions in a commensurate manner and makes specific predictions regarding the nature of action and perceptual representations. First, representations for observed and executed actions should rely on a shared neural substrate. Second, a common cognitive system predicts facilitation of action based on directly prior perception and vice versa. Third, such a system predicts interference effects when action and perception attempt to access shared representations simultaneously.

Evidence for Common Coding

From the year 2000 onwards, a growing number of results have been interpreted in favour of the common coding theory.

For instance, one functional MRI study demonstrated that the brain’s response to the 2/3 power law of motion (i.e. which dictates a strong coupling between movement curvature and velocity) is much stronger and more widespread than to other types of motion. Compliance with this law was reflected in the activation of a large network of brain areas subserving motor production, visual motion processing, and action observation functions. These results support the common coding and the notion of similar neural coding for motion perception and production.

One of the most direct evidence for common coding in the brain now stems from the fact that pattern classifiers that can differentiate based on brain activity whether someone has performed action A or B can also classify, above chance, whether that person heard the sound of action A or B, thereby demonstrating that action execution and perception are represented using a common code.

In the early 21st century, the common coding theory received increased interest from researchers in developmental psychology, cognitive neuroscience, robotics, and social psychology.

Commensurate Representation

Common coding posits, on top of separate coding, further domains of representation in which afferent and efferent information share the same format and dimensionality of representation. Common coding refers to ‘late’ afferent representations (referring to events in the environment) and ‘early’ efferent representations (referring to intended events). Such representations are commensurate since they both exhibit distal reference. They permit creating linkages between perception and action that do not rely on arbitrary mappings. Common coding conceives action planning in terms of operations that determine intended future events from given current events (matching between event codes and action codes). In particular perception and action may modulate each other by virtue of similarity. Unlike rule-based mapping of incommensurate codes which requires preceding acquisition of mapping rules, similarity-based matching of commensurate codes requires no such preceding rule acquisition.

Ideomotor Principle

In line with the ideomotor theory of William James (1890) and Hermann Lotze (1852), the common coding theory posits that actions are represented in terms of their perceptual consequences. Actions are represented like any other events, the sole distinctive feature being that they are (or can be) generated through bodily movements. Perceivable action consequences may vary on two major dimensions: resident vs. remote effects, and ‘cool’ versus ‘hot’ outcomes (i.e. reward values associated with action outcomes).

When individuals perform actions they learn what their movements lead to (Ideomotor learning). The ideomotor theory claims that these associations can also be used in the reverse order (cf. William James, 1890 II, p.526): When individuals perceive events of which they know (from previous learning) that they may result from certain movements, perception of these events may evoke the movements leading to them (Ideomotor control). The distinction between learning and control is equivalent to the distinction between forward and inverse computation in motor learning and control. Ideomotor learning supports prediction and anticipation of action outcomes, given current action. Ideomotor control supports selection and control of action, given intended outcomes.

Related Approaches

While most traditional approaches tend to stress the relative independence of perception and action, some theories have argued for closer links. Motor theories of speech and action perception have made a case for motor contributions to perception. Close non-representational connections between perception and action have also been claimed by ecological approaches. Today common coding theory is closely related to research and theory in two intersecting fields of study: Mirror neurons systems and embodied cognition. As concerns mirror systems, common coding seems to reflect the functional logic of mirror neurons and mechanisms in the brain. As concerns embodied cognition, common coding is compatible with the claim that meaning is embodied, i.e. grounded in perception and action. Common coding theory has further sparked refined theoretical frameworks that build on its notion of a shared representational format for action and perception. A recent example for these refinements is the Binding and retrieval in action control (BRAC) framework.

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Who was Donald W. MacKinnon?

Introduction

Donald Wallace MacKinnon (09 January 1903 to 20 January 1987) was an American psychologist and professor at the University of California, Berkeley. He was known for researching the psychology of creativity.

Career

After receiving his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1933, he became a professor at Bryn Mawr College, where he remained until 1947. From 1944 to 1946, he went on leave from Bryn Mawr College to direct the United States Office of Strategic Services’s Station S during World War II. He joined the faculty of the University of California, Berkeley in 1947, and became the founding director of the Institute of Personality Assessment and Research there in 1949. He remained the institute’s director until 1970, and used the skills he had learned during World War II at the institute. He was the president of the Division of Personality and Social Psychology from 1951 to 1952, and of the Western Psychological Association from 1963 to 1964. He retired from Berkeley in 1970. In 1973, he began a one-year stint as a visiting fellow at the Centre for Creative Leadership and an adjunct professor of psychology at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

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What is Positive Disintegration?

Introduction

The theory of positive disintegration (TPD) is an idea of personality development developed by Polish psychologist Kazimierz Dąbrowski.

Unlike mainstream psychology, the theory views psychological tension and anxiety as necessary for personal growth. These “disintegrative” processes are “positive”, whereas people who fail to go through positive disintegration may stop at “primary integration”, possessing individuality but nevertheless lacking an autonomous personality and remaining impressionable. Entering into disintegration and subsequent higher processes of development occurs through developmental potential, including over-excitability and hypersensitivity.

Unlike other theories of development such as Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, it is not assumed that even a majority of people progress through all levels. TPD is not a theory of stages, and levels do not correlate with age, nor do tension and anxiety correlate to maturity.

Origins

Dąbrowski’s worldview was likely influenced by his life experiences. As a teenager in World War I, he witnessed a major battle near his village. He walked among the bodies of the dead soldiers and later recalled that the looks on their faces were wildly different—some expressed fear, some horror, while some looked calm and peaceful.

During World War II, he was imprisoned by the Nazi police several times and his wife paid ransom for his release; when Stalin seized Poland, Dąbrowski and his wife were imprisoned for 18 months. Dąbrowski said he wrote his theory to encapsulate the lowest human behaviours he had observed during the war, as well as the highest acts of self-sacrifice. He said that no other psychological theory had captured this wide range of human behaviour. After his release, his behaviour was closely monitored by the Polish authorities until at least the early 60s. In 1965 he established a base in Edmonton, Alberta, and spent the rest of his life alternating between Canada and Poland.

Dąbrowski’s Theory

The development of the theory of positive disintegration began in Dąbrowski’s earliest Polish works, as reflected in his 1929 doctoral thesis. His first work in English also contained seeds of the theory. His next major English work was his 1964 book Positive Disintegration. He proposed that the key to mental growth was having strong “developmental potential”: a constellation of psychological factors often leading to the disintegration of existing psychological structures. These disintegrations allow the individual to voluntarily reorganize their priorities and values, leading to psychological growth.

Dąbrowski’s theory of personality development emphasizes several major features, including that having a unique personality is not a universal trait: it must be created and shaped by the individual to reflect their own unique character. Personality develops as a result of developmental potential (DP), including overexcitability and the autonomous (third) factor; not everyone displays sufficient DP to move through the process of mental growth via positive disintegration.

Dąbrowski used a multilevel approach to describe the continuum of developmental levels seen in the population. In his theory, developmental potential creates crises characterised by strong anxieties and depressions (which he called psychoneurosis) that precipitate disintegrations. For personality to develop, initial integrations based on instinct and socialisation must disintegrate through a process Dąbrowski called positive disintegration. He said that the development of a hierarchy of individual values and emotional reactions was a critical component in developing one’s personality and autonomy; thus, in contrast to most psychological theories, emotions play a major role.

Emotional reactions guide the individual in creating their individual “personality ideal”, an autonomous standard that acts as the goal of individual development. Individuals must examine their essence and develop their own unique personality ideal. Only then can they make existential choices that emphasize the aspects of self that are higher and “more myself”, and inhibit those aspects that are lower or “less myself”, based upon their ideal personality; thus shaping their personality and creating an authentic self based upon the fundamental essence of the individual. Critical components of individual development include: self-education, subject-object, personality ideal, self-perfection, and autopsychotherapy.

Factors in Personality Development

Dąbrowski observed that most people live their lives in a state of “primary or primitive integration” largely guided by biological impulses (“first factor”), by uncritical endorsement and adherence to social conventions (“second factor”), or by both at once. He called this initial integration Level I. Dąbrowski observed that at this level, there is no true individual expression of the autonomous human self; the individual has no autonomous personality, and rather, they exhibit Nietzsche’s idea of the herd personality. Individual expression at Level I is influenced and constrained by the first and second factors.

The first factor directs energy and talents toward self-serving goals that reflect the “lower instincts” and biological needs, as its primary focus is on survival and self-advancement. The second factor, the social environment (milieu) and peer pressure, constrains individual expression and creativity by encouraging mob mentality and discouraging individual thought and expression. The second factor externalises values and morals, thereby externalising conscience; social forces shape behaviour. Behaviour, talents and creativity are funnelled into forms that follow and support the existing social milieu. As conscience is derived from an external social context, so long as social standards are ethical, people influenced by the second factor will behave ethically. However, if a society becomes corrupt, people strongly influenced by the second factor will not dissent. Socialisation without individual examination leads to a rote and robotic existence (the “robopath” described by Ludwig von Bertalanffy). Individual reactions are not unique, as reactions are based on the social context. According to Dąbrowski, people primarily motivated by the second factor represent a significant majority of the general population.

Dąbrowski felt that society was largely influenced by these two factors and could be characterised as operating at Level I, where the external value system absolves the individual of actual responsibility. He also described groups of people who display a different developmental course—an individualised developmental pathway. Such people break away from an automatic, rote, socialised view of life (which Dąbrowski called negative adjustment) and move into, and through, a series of personal disintegrations. Dąbrowski saw these disintegrations as a key element in the overall developmental process. Crises challenge the status quo and cause people to review the self, their ideas, values, thoughts, ideals, etc.

If development continues, one goes on to develop an individualized, conscious and critically evaluated hierarchical value structure (called positive adjustment). This hierarchy of values acts as a benchmark by which all things are now seen, and behaviour is directed by these internal values, rather than by external social mores. At these higher levels, individual values characterize an eventual second integration reflecting individual autonomy and the arrival of the individual’s true personality; each person develops their own vision of how life ought to be and lives according to that vision. This is associated with strongly individualised approaches to problem solving and creativity. One’s talents and creativity are applied in the service of these higher individual values and visions of how life could, and should, be. The person expresses their “new” autonomous personality energetically through action, art, social change, and so on.

Development Potential

Advanced development is often seen in people who exhibit strong developmental potential. Developmental potential represents a constellation of features: it may be positive or negative, it may be strong or weak. If it is strong, the input of the environment is minimal. If it is weak, the environment will play a critical role. Many factors are incorporated into developmental potential but three major aspects are overexcitability, one’s specific abilities and talents, and a strong drive toward autonomous growth (a feature Dąbrowski called the “third factor”).

Overexcitability

The most evident aspect of developmental potential is overexcitability (OE), a heightened physiological experience of stimuli resulting from increased neuronal sensitivities. The greater the OE, the more intense the day-to-day experiences of life. Dąbrowski outlined five forms of OE: psychomotor, sensual, imaginational, intellectual, and emotional. These overexcitabilities, especially the last three, often cause a person to experience daily life more intensely and to feel the joys and sorrows of life more profoundly. Dąbrowski studied human exemplars and found that heightened overexcitability was a key part of their developmental and life experience. These people are steered and driven by their values and their experiences of emotional OE. Combined with imaginational and intellectual OE, these people have an intense and multilevel perception of the world.

Although based in the nervous system, overexcitabilities are expressed psychologically through the development of structures that reflect the emerging autonomous self. The most important of these are “dynamisms”—the biological or mental forces that control behaviour and development. As used by Dąbrowski, dynamisms are instincts, drives, and intellectual processes combined with emotions. With advanced development, dynamisms increasingly reflect movement toward personal autonomy.

Abilities and Talents

The second aspect of developmental potential—specific abilities, and talents—tends to conform to the developmental level. At lower levels people use talents to support egocentric goals or to climb the social and corporate ladders. At higher levels, specific talents and abilities become an important force as the person uses their hierarchy of values to express, and achieve, their vision of their ideal personality and their view of how the world should be.

The Third Factor

According to Dąbrowski, the third factor of developmental potential (DP) is a drive toward individual growth and autonomy. He saw this as a critical factor in applying one’s talents and creativity toward autonomous expression, and in providing motivation to strive for more and to try to imagine (and achieve) goals currently beyond one’s grasp. Dąbrowski was clear to differentiate this third factor from free will. He felt that free will did not go far enough in capturing the motivating aspects that he attributed to this third factor, for example, an individual can exercise free will and show little motivation to grow or change as an individual. The third factor specifically describes motivation—a motivation to become one’s own true self. This motivation is often so strong that a person can find that they must develop themself, despite putting themself in danger by doing so. This feeling of “I’ve gotta be me”, especially when it is “at any cost”, and is expressed as a strong motivator for self-growth, is beyond the usual conceptualisation free will.

Dąbrowski’s theory says that a person whose DP is high enough will generally undergo disintegration, despite any external social or family efforts to prevent it; whereas person whose DP is very low will generally not undergo disintegration (or positive personality growth) even in a conducive environment. Dąbrowski’s notion of overexcitability appears to have been developed independently of Elaine Aron’s highly sensitive person, as her approach is substantially different.

Developmental Obstacles

Dąbrowski called overexcitability “a tragic gift” to reflect that the road of the person with strong OE is not a smooth or easy one. Potentials to experience great highs are also potentials to experience great lows. Similarly, potentials to express great creativity come with the potential of experiencing a great deal of personal conflict and stress. This stress drives development and is a result of conflict—both socially and within oneself. Suicide is a significant risk in the acute phases of this stress, and the isolation often experienced at this stage may also heighten the risk of self-harm.

Dąbrowski advocated autopsychotherapy, educating the person about his theory and the disintegrative process to give them a context within which to understand their intense feelings and needs. Dąbrowski suggested giving people support in their efforts to develop and find their own self-expression. According to Dąbrowski, both children and adults with high DP (and OE) have to find and walk their own path, often at the expense of fitting in with their social peers and even with their families. At the core of autopsychotherapy is the awareness that no one can show anyone else the “right” path—everyone has to find their own path for themselves. Alluding to the knights on the Grail Quest, the Jungian analyst, Joseph Campbell allegedly said: “If a path exists in the forest, don’t follow it, for though it took someone else to the Grail, it will not take you there, because it is not your path.”

Levels

The first and fifth levels of Dąbrowski’s theory of Positive Disintegration are characterized by psychological integration, harmony, and little inner conflict. There is little internal conflict at Level I because at this level one can almost always justify their behaviour – it is either for their own good and is therefore “right”, or society endorses it and it is therefore “right”. In either case, the individual confidently acts as they think anyone else would and does what everyone is “supposed to do”. Dąbrowski compared this to Level V, where there is no internal conflict because what a person does is in harmony with their own internal sense of values. Regardless of internal conflict, external conflict can, and does, still occur.

Dąbrowski used Levels II, III, and IV to describe various degrees and types of disintegration. He was very clear that the levels he presents “represent a heuristic device”. Accordingly, in the process of developing the structures, two or even three contiguous levels may exist side by side, although they exist in conflict. The conflict is resolved when one of the structures is eliminated, or comes under complete control of another structure.

Level I: Primary Integration

The first level is called primitive or primary integration. People at this level are often influenced primarily by either the first factor (heredity/impulse), the second factor (social environment), or both. The majority of people at Level I are integrated at the environmental or social level (Dąbrowski called them average people). Dąbrowski distinguished the two subgroups of Level I by degree: “the state of primary integration is a state contrary to mental health. A fairly high degree of primary integration is present in the average person; a very high degree of primary integration is present in the psychopath.” Marked by selfishness and egocentrism (both covert and explicit), those at level one generally seek self-fulfilment above all else, justifying their pursuits through a sort of “it’s all about me” thinking. They adhere strongly to the phrase “the ends justifies the means”, and may disregard the severity of the “means”. Many people who are considered “leaders” fall into this category.

The vast majority of people do not break down their primitive integration at all, and those who do after a relatively short period of disintegration, usually during adolescence and early youth, either reintegrate at level one, or partially integrate of some of the functions of higher levels, but do not experience a transformation of their whole mental structure. Dąbrowski thought that primary integration in the average person could be of value as it is stable and predictable, and, when accompanied by kindness and good-will, could represent those who can provide support and stability to people experiencing disintegration.

Level II: Unilevel Disintegration

The prominent feature of this level is an initial, brief, and often intense crisis, or series of crises. Crises are spontaneous and occur on only one level—though they may appear to be different choices, they are ultimately on the same, horizontal, level.

Unilevel disintegration occurs during developmental crises such as puberty or menopause, in periods of difficulty handling an external stressful event, or under psychological conditions such as nervousness and psychoneurosis. Unilevel disintegration occurs on a single structural and emotional level; there is a prevalence of automatic dynamisms with only slight self-consciousness and self-control.

Horizontal conflicts produce ambitendencies and ambivalences: one is equally attracted by different but equivalent choices (ambitendencies) and is not able to decide what to do as they have no real preference between the choices (ambivalences). Ultimately, if developmental forces are strong enough, the person is thrust into an existential crisis as their social rationales no longer account for their experiences and there is no alternative explanation. During this phase, existential despair is the predominant emotion. The resolution of this phase begins as individually chosen values start to replace rote, ingrained, social mores and are integrated into a new hierarchy of personal values. These new values often conflict with the person’s previous social values. Many of the status quo explanations for the “way things are”, learned through education and society, collapse under this scrutiny. This causes additional conflicts focused on the person’s analysis of their reactions to the world at large and the behaviour of themself and others. Common behaviours, and the ethics of the prevailing social norm, come to be seen as inadequate, wrong or hypocritical; positive maladjustment prevails. For Dąbrowski, these crises represent a strong potential for development toward personal growth and mental health. Using a positive definition, mental health reflects more than social conformity: it involves a careful, personal examination of the world and of one’s values, leading to the development of an individual personality.

Level II is a transitional period. Dąbrowski said a person will either fall back (reintegration on a lower level), move ahead to Level III, or the crises will end negatively, in suicide or psychosis. The transition from Level II to Level III involves a fundamental shift that requires a phenomenal amount of energy. This period is the crossroads of development, from here one must either progress or regress. The struggle between Dąbrowski’s three factors reflects this transitional crisis: “Do I follow my instincts (first factor), my teachings (second factor) or my heart (third factor)?” The developmental answer is to transform one’s lower instincts (automatic reactions like anger) into positive motivation, to resist rote and social answers, and to listen to one’s inner sense of what one ought to do.

Level III: Spontaneous Multilevel Disintegration

Level III describes a new type of conflict—a vertical conflict between two alternatives that are not simply different, but that exist on different levels; one is genuinely higher and the other lower. These vertical conflicts initially arise from involuntary perceptions of higher versus lower choices in life. In the words of G.K. Chesterton: “You just look at something, maybe for the 1000th time, and it strikes you—you see this one thing differently and once you do, it changes things. You can no longer ‘go back and see it the way you did before.'” Dąbrowski called this vertical dimension multilevelness, and saw it as a gradual realization of the “possibility of the higher” (a phrase Dąbrowski used frequently), and of the contrasts between the higher and the lower in life. These vertical comparisons often contrast the lower, actual, behaviour of a person with the higher, imagined ideals, and to alternative idealised choices. Dąbrowski believed that the authentic individual would choose the higher path as the clear and obvious one to follow, erasing the ambivalences and ambitendencies of unilevel conflicts. If the person’s actual behaviour subsequently falls short of the ideal, internal disharmony and a drive to review and reconstruct one’s life will often follow. Multilevelness thus represents a new and powerful type of conflict that drives development.

Vertical conflicts are critical in leading to autonomy and advanced personality growth. If the person is to achieve higher levels, the shift to multilevelness must occur. If a person does not have the developmental potential to move into a multilevel view, then they will fall back from the crises of Level II to reintegrate at Level I. In the shift to multilevelness, the horizontal (unilevel) stimulus-response model of life is replaced by a vertical and hierarchical analysis. This vertical view becomes anchored by the individual’s emerging value structure, and all events are now seen in relation to their ideal values and how they want to live their life. As events in life are seen in relation to this multilevel, vertical view, it becomes impossible to support positions that favour a lower course of action when higher goals can be imagined and identified.

Level IV: Directed Multilevel Disintegration

In Level IV the person takes full control of their development. The involuntary spontaneous development of Level III is replaced by a deliberate, conscious, self-directed review of life from the multilevel perspective. This level marks the emergence of the third factor, described by Dąbrowski as an autonomous factor “of conscious choice (valuation) by which one affirms or rejects certain qualities in oneself and in one’s environment.” The person consciously reviews their existing belief system and tries to replace lower, automatic views and reactions with carefully thought out, examined and chosen ideals. These new values will increasingly be reflected in the person’s behaviour. Behaviour becomes less reactive, less automatic and more deliberate as choices increasingly fall under the influence of the person’s higher, chosen, ideals.

Social mores are reviewed and may be consciously re-accepted and internalised, or rejected and replaced by a self-determined alternative value system. One’s social views come to reflect a deep responsibility based on both intellectual and emotional factors. At the highest levels, “individuals of this kind feel responsible for the realization of justice and for the protection of others against harm and injustice. Their feelings of responsibility extend almost to everything.” This perspective results from seeing life in relation to one’s hierarchy of values (the multilevel view) and the subsequent appreciation of the potential of how life could, and ought to, be lived. Disagreements with a world operating at a lower level are expressed compassionately by doing what one can to help achieve the “ought”.

Given their genuine, authentic, prosocial outlook, people achieving higher developmental levels also raise the level of their society; prosocial, as used here, is not just support of the existing social order. If the social order is lower and you are adjusted to it, then you also reflect the lower (negative adjustment in Dąbrowski’s terms, a Level I feature). Here, prosocial means a genuine cultivation of social interactions based on higher values. These positions often conflict with the status quo of a lower society (positive maladjustment). In other words, to be maladjusted in a low-level society is a positive feature.

Level V: Secondary Integration

The fifth level displays an integrated and harmonious character, but one vastly different from that at the first level. At this highest level, one’s behaviour is guided by conscious, carefully weighed decisions based on an individualised and chosen hierarchy of personal values. Behaviour conforms to the person’s inner standard of how life ought to be lived, and thus little inner conflict arises.

Level V is often marked by creative expression. Especially at Level V, problem solving and art represent the highest and most noble features of human life. Art captures the innermost emotional states and is based on a deep empathy and understanding of the subject, often human suffering and sacrifice are the subjects of these works. Truly visionary works, works that are unique and novel, are created by people expressing a vision unrestrained by convention. Advances in society, through politics, philosophy and religion, are therefore commonly associated with strong individual creativity and personal accomplishments.

Applications in Therapy

The theory of positive disintegration has an extremely broad scope with many implications. One central application applies to psychological and psychiatric diagnosis and treatment. Dąbrowski advocated a comprehensive, multidimensional diagnosis of the person’s situation, symptoms and developmental potential. Accordingly, if the disintegration appears to fit into a developmental context, then the person is educated in the theory and encouraged to take a developmental view of their situation and experiences. Rather than being eliminated, symptoms are reframed to yield insight and understanding into life and the person’s unique situation.

The Importance of Narratives

Dąbrowski illustrated his theory through autobiographies of and biographies about those who have experienced positive disintegration. The gifted child, the suicidal teen, or the troubled artist is often experiencing the features of TPD, and if they accept and understand the meaning of their intense feelings and crises, they can move ahead, not fall apart. The completion of an extensive autobiography to help the individual gain perspective on their past and present is an important component in the autopsychotherapy process. In this process, the therapist plays a very small role and acts more as an initial stimulus than an ongoing therapist. Dąbrowski asked clients to read his books and to see how his ideas might relate to their lives.

Autopsychotherapy

For Dąbrowski, the goal of therapy is to eliminate the therapist by providing a context within which a person can understand and help themself – an approach to therapy that he called autopsychotherapy. The client is encouraged to embark on a journey of self-discovery, with an emphasis on looking for the contrast between what is higher versus what is lower within their personality and value structure. They are encouraged to further explore their value structure, especially as it relates to the rationale and justification of their positions; discrepancies between values and behaviour are highlighted. The approach is called autopsychotherapy to emphasize the important role that the individual must play in their own therapy process and in the larger process of personality development. The individual must come to see themselves as being in charge of determining or creating their own unique personality ideal and value structure. This includes a critical review of the social mores and values they have learned.

Dąbrowski was very concerned about what he called one-sided development, in which people display significant advanced development in only one aspect of life, usually intellectual. He believed that it is crucial to balance one’s development.

Overexcitability

In describing overexcitability (OE), Dąbrowski emphasized two main aspects: higher-than-average sensitivity, and higher-than-average responsiveness, of the nerves to stimuli. Dąbrowski explained, “The prefix ‘over’ attached to ‘excitability’ serves to indicate that the reactions of excitation are over and above average in intensity, duration and frequency.” If someone has strong OE, they will need less stimuli to cause a reaction and the reaction will be stronger than an individual who does not demonstrate overexcitability.

Dąbrowski reminded clients that without internal unease there is little stimulus for change or growth. Rather than trying to rapidly ameliorate symptoms, this approach encourages individuals to fully experience their feelings and to try to maintain a positive and developmental outlook regarding what they may perceive as strong depression or anxiety. An emphasis is placed on the client becoming aware that they can consciously control the direction of their life and apply what Dabrowski called autopsychotherapy.

Key Ideas

Dąbrowski based his theory on certain key ideas:

  • Lower animal instincts (first factor) must be inhibited and transformed into “higher” forces for people to be truly human as this ability to transform instincts is what separates people from other animals.
  • The common initial personality integration, based upon socialization (second factor), does not reflect true personality.
  • At the initial level of integration, there is little internal conflict as when one “goes along with the group”, there is little sense of individual wrongdoing. External conflicts often relate to the blockage of social goals—career frustrations for example. The social mores and values prevail with little question or conscious examination.
  • True personality must be based upon a system of values that are consciously and volitionally chosen by the person to reflect their own individual sense of “how life ought to be” and their “personality ideal” – the ideal person they feel they “ought to be”.
  • The lower animal instincts, the forces of peer groups, and socialisation are inferior to the autonomous self (personality) consciously constructed by the person.
  • To break down the initial integration, crises and disintegrations are needed, usually provided by life experience.
  • These disintegrations are positive if the person can achieve positive and developmental solutions to the situation.
  • “Unilevel crises” are not developmental as the person can only choose between equal alternatives, such as whether to go left or right.
  • A new type of perception involves “multilevelness”, a vertical view of life that compares lower versus higher alternatives and now allows the individual to choose a higher resolution to a crisis over other available, but lower, alternatives—the developmental solution.
  • “Positive disintegration” is a vital developmental process.
  • Developmental potential describes the forces needed to achieve autonomous personality development.
  • Developmental potential includes several factors including innate abilities and talents, “overexcitability” and the “third factor”.
  • Overexcitability is a measure of an individual’s nervous system’s level of response.
  • Overexcitability, or an overly sensitive nervous system, makes one prone to angst, depression and anxiety. Dąbrowski’s calls these psychoneuroses—a very positive and developmental feature.
  • The third factor is a measure of an individual’s drive toward autonomy.
  • When multilevel and autonomous development is achieved, a secondary integration is seen reflecting one’s mature personality. The individual has no inner conflict; they are in internal harmony as their actions reflect their deeply felt hierarchy of values.

Dąbrowski’s approach is of interest philosophically as it is Platonic, reflecting the bias of Plato toward seeing an individual’s essence as a critical determinant of their developmental course in life. However, Dąbrowski also added a major existential aspect as well, one that depends upon the anxieties a person feels and on how they resolve the day-to-day challenges they face. According to Dąbrowski’s theory, essence must be realised through an existential and experiential process of development. The characterisation advanced by Kierkegaard of “Knights of faith” may be compared to Dąbrowski’s autonomous individual.

Dąbrowski also reviewed the role of logic and reasoning in personal development and concluded that intellect alone does not fully help people know what to do in life. His theory incorporates Jean Piaget’s views of development into a broader scheme guided by emotion, as the emotions one feels about something are the more accurate guide to life’s major decisions.

Secondary Integration versus Self-Actualisation

People[example needed] have often equated Maslow’s concept of self-actualisation with Dąbrowski’s idea of secondary integration, despite there being some major differences between the two ideas. Dąbrowski, a personal friend and correspondent of Maslow, rejected Abraham Maslow’s description of self-actualisation. Actualisation of an undifferentiated self is not a developmental outcome in Dąbrowski’s theory, whereas Maslow described self-actualisation as a process where the self is accepted “as is”, with both higher and lower aspects of the self being actualised. For Maslow, self-actualisation involved “being all that one can be and accepting one’s deeper self in all its aspects”.

Dąbrowski instead applied a multilevel (vertical) approach to self. He spoke of the need to become aware of and inhibit and reject the lower instinctual aspects of the intrinsic human self, and to actively choose and assemble higher elements into a new unique self. Dąbrowski would have people differentiate the initial self into higher and lower aspects, and reject the lower and actualise the higher aspects to create their unique personality; Maslow would have people “embrace without guilt” all aspects.

Dąbrowski introduces the notion that although the lower aspects may initially be intrinsic to the self, people can develop a self-awareness of their lower nature and discover how they feel about these low levels. If they feel badly about behaving in these ways, they can cognitively and volitionally decide to inhibit and eliminate these behaviours; Dąbrowski called this personality shaping. In this way, the higher aspects of the self are actualised while the lower aspects are inhibited. For Dąbrowski, this inhibition is the unique aspect of humans sets people apart from other animals – no other animal is able to differentiate their lower instincts and inhibit their animalistic impulses, an idea also expressed in Plessner’s eccentricity.

Dąbrowski and the Gifted Individual

An appendix to Dąbrowski (1967) reports the results of investigations done in 1962 where “a group of [Polish] gifted children and young people aged 8 to 23” were examined.  Of the 80 youth studied, 30 were “intellectually gifted” and 50 were from “drama, ballet, and plastic art schools”. 

Dąbrowski found that every one of the children displayed overexcitability

Which constituted the foundation for the emergence of neurotic and psychoneurotic sets. Moreover it turned out that these children also showed sets of nervousness, neurosis, and psychoneurosis of various kinds and intensities, from light vegetative symptoms, or anxiety symptoms, to distinctly and highly intensive psychasthenic or hysterical sets.

Dąbrowski asked why these children would display such “states of nervousness or psychoneurosis” and suggested that it was due to the presence of OE. 

Probably the cause is more than average sensitivity which not only permits one to achieve outstanding results in learning and work, but at the same time increases the number of points sensitive to all experiences that may accelerate anomalous reactions revealing themselves in psychoneurotic sets.

The association between OE and giftedness has been the topic of extensive research done by Michael Piechowski and colleagues Lysy and Miller. It appears that intellectual OE is a marker of potential for giftedness/creativity, and that other types of OE may be as well. Dąbrowski’s thesis is that the gifted will disproportionately display this process of positive disintegration and personality growth.

Criticism

For the last 40 years, efforts to measure Dabrowskian constructs have been limited to looking at overexcitability. The most widely known instrument is the Overexcitability Questionnaire-Two.

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Who was Cyril Burt (1883-1971)?

Introduction

Sir Cyril Lodowic Burt, FBA (03 March 1883 to 10 October 1971) was an English educational psychologist and geneticist who also made contributions to statistics. He is known for his studies on the heritability of IQ.

Shortly after he died, his studies of inheritance of intelligence were discredited after evidence emerged indicating he had falsified research data, inventing correlations in separated twins which did not exist, alongside other fabrications.

Childhood and Education

Burt was born on 03 March 1883, the first child of Cyril Cecil Barrow Burt (b. 1857), a medical practitioner, and his wife, Martha Decina Evans. He was born in London (some sources give his place of birth as Stratford-upon-Avon, probably because his entry in Who’s Who gave his father’s address as Snitterfield, Stratford; in fact the Burt family moved to Snitterfield when he was ten).

Burt’s father initially kept a chemist shop to support his family while he studied medicine. On qualifying, he became the assistant house surgeon and obstetrical assistant at Westminster Hospital, London. The younger Cyril Burt’s education began in London at a Board school near St James’s Park.

In 1890, the family briefly moved to Jersey then to Snitterfield, Warwickshire, in 1893, where Burt’s father opened a rural practice. Early in Burt’s life he showed a precocious nature, so much so that his father often took the young Burt with him on his medical rounds.

One of the elder Burt’s more famous patients was Darwin Galton, brother of Francis Galton. The visits the Burts made to the Galton estate not only allowed the young Burt to learn about the work of Francis Galton, but also allowed Burt to meet him on multiple occasions and to be strongly drawn to his ideas; especially his studies in statistics and individual differences, two defining characters of the London School of Psychology whose membership includes both Galton and Burt.

He attended King’s (now known as Warwick) School, in the county town, from 1892 to 1895, and later won a scholarship to Christ’s Hospital, then located in London, where he developed his interest in psychology.

From 1902, he attended Jesus College, Oxford, where he studied Classics and took an interest in philosophy and psychology, the latter under William McDougall. McDougall, knowing Burt’s interest in Galton’s work, taught him the elements of psychometrics, thus helping Burt with his first steps in the development and structure of mental tests, an interest that would last the rest of his life. Burt was one of a group of students who worked with McDougall, which included William Brown, John Flügel, and May Smith, who all went on to have distinguished careers in psychology.

Burt graduated with second-class honours in Literae Humaniores (Classics) in 1906, taking a special paper in Psychology in his Final Examinations. He subsequently supplemented his BA with a teaching diploma.

In 1907, McDougall invited Burt to help with a nationwide survey of physical and mental characteristics of the British people, proposed by Francis Galton, in which he was to work on the standardization of psychological tests. This work brought Burt into contact with eugenics, Charles Spearman, and Karl Pearson.

In the summer of 1908, Burt visited the University of Würzburg, Germany, where he first met the psychologist Oswald Külpe.

Work in Educational Psychology

In 1908, Burt took up the post of Lecturer in Psychology and Assistant Lecturer in Physiology at Liverpool University, where he was to work under the famed physiologist Sir Charles Sherrington. In 1909 Burt made use of Charles Spearman’s model of general intelligence to analyse his data on the performance of schoolchildren in a battery of tests. This first research project was to define Burt’s life’s work in quantitative intelligence testing, eugenics, and the inheritance of intelligence. One of the conclusions in his 1909 paper was that upper-class children in private preparatory schools did better in the tests than those in the ordinary elementary schools, and that the difference was innate.

In 1913, Burt took the part-time position of a school psychologist for the London County Council (LCC), with the responsibility of picking out the “feeble-minded” children, in accordance with the Mental Deficiency Act of 1913. He notably established that girls were equal to boys in general intelligence. The post also allowed him to work in Spearman’s laboratory, and receive research assistants from the National Institute of Industrial Psychology, including Winifred Raphael.

Burt was much involved in the initiation of child guidance in Great Britain and his 1925 publication The Young Delinquent led to opening of the London Child Guidance Clinic in Islington in 1927.[11] In 1924 Burt was also appointed part-time professor of educational psychology at the London Day Training College (LDTC), and carried out much of his child guidance work on the premises.

Later Career

In 1931 Burt resigned his position at the LCC and the LDTC after he was appointed Professor and Chair of Psychology at University College London, taking over the position from Charles Spearman, thus ending his almost 20-year career as a school psychological practitioner. One of his students, Reuben Conrad, recalled that he once arrived at the university with a chimpanzee that he had borrowed from London Zoo, though Conrad could not recall what point Burt was trying to make. While at London, Burt influenced many students, including Raymond Cattell and Hans Eysenck, and toward the end of his life, Arthur Jensen and Chris Brand. Burt was a consultant with the committees that developed the 11-plus examinations. This issue, and the allegations of fraudulent scholarship against him, are discussed in various books and articles listed below, including Cyril Burt: Fraud or Framed and The Mismeasure of Man.

Despite his lasting reputation as a statistical psychologist Cyril Burt was also involved in psychoanalysis. He was a member of the Tavistock Clinic Council in the early 1930s and of the British Psychoanalytical Society. In The Young Delinquent, he expressed the view that “nearly every tragedy of crime is in its origin a drama of domestic life.”

In 1942 Burt was elected President of the British Psychological Society. In 1946 he became the first British psychologist to be knighted for his contributions to psychological testing and for making educational opportunities more widely available, according to an account by J. Philippe Rushton. Burt was a member of the London School of Differential Psychology, and of the British Eugenics Society. Because he had suggested on radio in 1946 the formation of an organization for people with high IQ scores, he was made honorary president of Mensa in 1960. He officially joined Mensa soon thereafter.

Burt retired in 1951 at the age of 68, but continued writing articles and books. He died of cancer at age 88 in London on 10 October 1971.

Fraud Accusations

Burt published numerous articles and books on a host of topics ranging from psychometrics through philosophy of science to parapsychology. It is his research in behaviour genetics, most notably in studying the heritability of intelligence (as measured in IQ tests) using twin studies, that has created the most controversy, frequently referred to as “the Burt Affair.”

Shortly after Burt died it became known that all of his notes and records had been burnt, and he was accused of falsifying research data. From the late 1970s, it has been generally accepted that “he had fabricated some of the data, though some of his earlier work remained unaffected by this revelation.” This was due in large part to research by Oliver Gillie (1976) and Leon Kamin (1974).

The 2007 Encyclopædia Britannica noted it is widely acknowledged that his later work was flawed and many academics agree that data were falsified, though his earlier work is generally accepted as valid.

The possibility of fabrication was first brought to the attention of the scientific community when Kamin noticed that Burt’s correlation coefficients of monozygotic and dizygotic twins’ IQ scores were the same to three decimal places, across articles – even when new data were twice added to the sample of twins. Leslie Hearnshaw, a close friend of Burt and his official biographer, concluded after examining the criticisms that most of Burt’s data from after World War II were unreliable or fraudulent. William H. Tucker argued in a 1997 article that: “A comparison of his twin sample with that from other well documented studies, however, leaves little doubt that he committed fraud.”

Two other psychologists Arthur Jensen and J. Philippe Rushton, themselves involved in controversy for their views on race, have claimed that the contentious correlations reported by Burt are in line with the correlations found in other twin studies.

Rushton (1997) wrote that five different studies on twins reared apart by independent researchers corroborated Cyril Burt’s findings and had given almost the same heritability estimate (average estimate 0.75 vs. 0.77 by Burt). Jensen argued that “[n]o one with any statistical sophistication, and Burt had plenty, would report exactly the same correlation, 0.77, three times in succession if he were trying to fake the data.” Burt’s statistical sophistication was, however, called into question by his student Charlotte Banks, who in a foreword to Burt’s last book, published posthumously, wrote that he combined samples gathered from schoolchildren in different earlier years in his later papers without comment. A paper Burt published in 1943, Burt states an average IQ of 153.2 for the parents in the higher professional or administrative classes, at a time when there were no standardised IQ tests for adults in the upper ranges of IQ. In 1961, Burt revised this figure to 139.7 and, in other papers, noted that he had arrived at such figures by “assessment”, or guesswork, rather than testing.

According to Earl B. Hunt, it may never be found out whether Burt was intentionally fraudulent or merely careless. Noting that other studies on the heritability of IQ have produced results very similar to those of Burt’s, Hunt argues that Burt did not harm science in the narrow sense of misleading scientists with false results, but that in the broader sense science in general and behaviour genetics in particular were profoundly harmed by the Burt Affair, leading to a general rejection of genetic studies of intelligence and a drying up of funding for such studies.

Gillie’s 1976 article in The Sunday Times, reprinted in The Phi Delta Kappan in 1977, summarised attempts to trace two of Burt’s supposed collaborators, Margaret Howard and J. Conway. Publications attributed to these two were published in a journal edited by Burt between 1952 and 1959, including a joint paper of Burt and Howard, remarkable as one of the few, if not the only, research paper not authored solely by Burt. The papers in the names of Howard or Conway were published after Burt’s retirement from University College although their affiliations were said to be with University College, Howard’s specifically with its Psychology Department. No-one with these names was registered as a member of staff or student at University College between 1914 and 1976, or in any other institution within the University of London, and its Psychology Department could not trace either of them. Between 1952 and 1959, Burt lived in London and had two associates, Charlotte Banks and Gertrude Keir, neither of who ever met Howard or Conway. Although they suggested to Gillie that Burt may have corresponded with the two, there was no trace of any such correspondence in Burt’s papers. Burt’s housekeeper from 1950 recalled to Gillie that she had questioned Burt on why he had written papers in the names of Howard and Conway; his response was that they had done the research and should be credited. He explained their absence and lack of contact by adding that both had emigrated and he had lost their addresses. Based on his investigation, Gillie considered it likely that neither Howard nor Conway existed, but were a fantasy of the ageing Burt himself.

Arthur Jensen was given the opportunity to respond to Gillie’s article in the same issue of the same journal, and described the claims as libellous, without evidence and driven by opposition to Burt’s theories. However, he does not address the central issue, that Burt wrote scientific papers and published them as editor of a journal under false names and without the consent of the supposed authors.

In response to articles by Fletcher, claiming that his biography of Burt and attacks by others were motivated by ideological or political malice, Hernshaw added to Gillie’s claims by stating that Burt’s detailed records of visitors contained no records of visits by Howard or Conway in the years they were supposed to have collaborated with him on collecting and testing 32 pairs of separated monozygotic twins, that his papers contained no correspondence with or written material from them, and that no one close to Burt had met them. He added that testing separated twins was expensive: Burt had no research funds to pay research workers and his own finances were too stretched to pay for it himself. Further, he instanced two other example of what he terms Burt’s deviousness ignored by Fletcher. The first was Burt’s falsification of the early history of factorial analysis and his untruthful claim to have been the first to use that technique. The second was that Burt could not have obtained the results on the declining levels of scholastic attainments in the 1950s and 1960s that he claimed to have. Finally, Hernshaw claimed that Burt’s failings in his years of retirement went far beyond carelessness.

In his 1991 book, Fletcher questioned Gillie’s claim of the lack of independent articles published by Howard or Conway in scientific journals other than the Journal of Statistical Psychology edited by Burt, claiming Howard was also said to be mentioned in the membership list of the British Psychological Society, John Cohen was said to have remembered her well during the 1930s, and Donald MacRae had personally received an article from her in 1949 and 1950. According to Ronald Fletcher, there is documentary evidence of the existence of Conway. Other writers have suggested that Howard and Conway may have existed, but that Burt had simply used their names to support his research, as he had been shown to have done with another named so-called researcher.

Robert Joynson (in 1989) and Ronald Fletcher (in 1991) published books in support of Burt. However Joynson accepted that Burt frequently used assumed names to publish (in the journal Burt edited, the Journal of Statistical Psychology) papers that Burt had written himself: the names he used included those of Howard and Conway. Burt’s defenders have claimed that everyone knew that, after his retirement, Burt’s data was flawed and that he published articles under pseudonyms, adding that the British Psychological Society could have stopped this if it had violated accepted ethical norms of the time. However, although it is clear that some individual members of the British Psychological Society were aware of Burt’s questionable conduct, the reason why he was not censured were as likely to be that it would have been in bad taste to call such a great man to public account, a fault of a profession and its members that could tolerate at the time, and apologise later, for Burt’s behaviour.

Nicholas Mackintosh edited Cyril Burt: Fraud or Framed?, which was presented by the publisher as arguing that “his defenders have sometimes, but by no means always, been correct, and that his critics have often jumped to hasty conclusions. In their haste, however, these critics have missed crucial evidence that is not easily reconciled with Burt’s total innocence, leaving the perception that both the defence and prosecution cases are seriously flawed.” W. D. Hamilton claimed in a 2000 book review shortly before Hamilton’s death that the claims made by his detractors in the so-called “Burt Affair” had been either wrong or grossly exaggerated.

However, Mackintosh himself, then Emeritus Professor of Experimental Psychology at the University of Cambridge, summed up the evidence against Burt in 1995, saying that the data Burt presented were “so woefully inadequate and riddled with error”, that consequently “no reliance (could) be placed on the numbers he present(ed)”, and went on to confirm his agreement with Kamin’s original conclusion, that Burt had fabricated his data.

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Who was Bruno Bettelheim (1903-1990)?

Introduction

Bruno Bettelheim (28 August 1903 to 13 March 1990) was an Austrian-born psychologist, scholar, public intellectual and writer who spent most of his academic and clinical career in the United States. An early writer on autism, Bettelheim’s work focused on the education of emotionally disturbed children, as well as Freudian psychology more generally. In the US he later gained a position as professor at the University of Chicago and director of the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School for Disturbed Children, and after 1973 taught at Stanford University.

Bettelheim’s ideas, which grew out of those of Sigmund Freud, theorised that children with behavioural and emotional disorders were not born that way, and could be treated through extended psychoanalytic therapy, treatment that rejected the use of psychotropic drugs and shock therapy. During the 1960s and 1970s he had an international reputation in such fields as autism, child psychiatry, and psychoanalysis.

Some of his work was discredited after his death due to fraudulent academic credentials, allegations of patient abuse, accusations of plagiarism, and lack of oversight by institutions and the psychological community.

Background in Austria

Bruno Bettelheim was born in Vienna, Austria-Hungary, on August 28, 1903. When his father died, Bettelheim left his studies at the University of Vienna to look after his family’s sawmill. Having discharged his obligations to his family’s business, Bettelheim returned as a mature student in his thirties to the University of Vienna. Sources disagree about his education (see Misrepresented credentials section).

Bettelheim’s first wife, Gina, took care of a troubled American child, Patsy, who lived in their home in Vienna for seven years, and who may have been on the autism spectrum.

In the Austrian academic culture of Bettelheim’s time, one could not study the history of art without mastering aspects of psychology. Candidates for the doctoral dissertation in the History of Art in 1938 at Vienna University had to fulfil prerequisites in the formal study of the role of Jungian archetypes in art, and in art as an expression of the unconscious.

Though Jewish by birth, Bettelheim grew up in a secular family. After the Anschluss (political annexation) of Austria on 13 March 1938, the National Socialist (Nazi) authorities sent Austrian Jews and political opponents to the Dachau and Buchenwald concentration camps where many were brutally treated, and tortured or killed. Bettelheim was arrested some two months later on May 28, 1938, and was imprisoned in both these camps for ten and half months before being released on 14 April 1939. While at the Buchenwald camp, he met and befriended the social psychologist Ernst Federn. As a result of an amnesty declared for Adolf Hitler’s birthday (which occurred slightly later on 20 April 1939), Bettelheim and hundreds of other prisoners were released. Bettelheim drew on the experience of the concentration camps for some of his later work.

Life and Career in the United States

Bettelheim arrived by ship as a refugee in New York City in late 1939 to join his wife Gina, who had already emigrated. They divorced because she had become involved with someone else during their separation. He soon moved to Chicago, became a naturalised US citizen in 1944, and married an Austrian woman, Gertrude (‘Trudi’) Weinfeld, also an emigrant from Vienna.

Psychology

The Rockefeller Foundation sponsored a wartime project to help resettle European scholars by circulating their resumes to American universities. Through this process, Ralph Tyler hired Bettelheim to be his research assistant at the University of Chicago from 1939 to 1941 with funding from the Progressive Education Association to evaluate how high schools taught art. Once this funding ran out, Bettelheim found a job at Rockford College, Illinois, where he taught from 1942 to 1944.

In 1943, he published the paper “Individual and Mass Behaviour in Extreme Situations” about his experiences in the concentration camps, a paper which was highly regarded by Dwight Eisenhower among others. Bettelheim claimed he had interviewed 1,500 fellow prisoners, although this was unlikely. He stated that the Viennese psychoanalyst Richard Sterba had analysed him, as well as implying in several of his writings that he had written a PhD dissertation in the philosophy of education. His actual PhD was in art history, and he had only taken three introductory courses in psychology.

Through Ralph Tyler’s recommendation, the University of Chicago appointed Bettelheim as a professor of psychology, as well as director of the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School for emotionally disturbed children. He held both positions from 1944 until his retirement in 1973. He wrote a number of books on psychology and, for a time, had an international reputation for his work on Sigmund Freud, psychoanalysis, and emotionally disturbed children.

At the Orthogenic School, Bettelheim made changes and set up an environment for milieu therapy, in which children could form strong attachments with adults within a structured but caring environment. He claimed considerable success in treating some of the emotionally disturbed children. He wrote books on both normal and abnormal child psychology, and became a major influence in the field, widely respected during his lifetime. He was noted for his study of feral children, who revert to the animal stage without experiencing the benefits of belonging to a community. He discussed this phenomenon in the book The Informed Heart. Even critics agree that, in his practice, Bettelheim was dedicated to helping these children using methods and practices that would enable them to lead happy lives. It is based on his position that psychotherapy could change humans and that they can adapt to their environment provided they are given proper care and attention.

Bettelheim was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1971. After retiring in 1973, he and his wife moved to Portola Valley, California, where he continued to write and taught at Stanford University. His wife died in 1984.

The Uses of Enchantment

Bettelheim analysed fairy tales in terms of Freudian psychology in The Uses of Enchantment (1976). He discussed the emotional and symbolic importance of fairy tales for children, including traditional tales once considered too dark, such as those collected and published by the Brothers Grimm. Bettelheim suggested that traditional fairy tales, with the darkness of abandonment, death, witches, and injuries, allowed children to grapple with their fears in remote, symbolic terms. If they could read and interpret these fairy tales in their own way, he believed, they would get a greater sense of meaning and purpose. Bettelheim thought that by engaging with these socially evolved stories, children would go through emotional growth that would better prepare them for their own futures. In the United States, Bettelheim won two major awards for The Uses of Enchantment: the National Book Critics Circle Award for Criticism and the National Book Award in the category of Contemporary Thought.

However, in 1991, well-supported charges of plagiarism were brought against Bettelheim’s The Uses of Enchantment, primarily that he had copied from Julian Herscher’s 1963 A Psychiatric Study of Fairy Tales (revised ed. 1974).

Death

At the end of his life, Bettelheim had depression. He appeared to have had difficulties with depression for much of his life. In 1990, widowed, in failing physical health, and experiencing the effects of a stroke which impaired his mental abilities and paralysed part of his body, he took his own life. He died on 13 March 1990, in Maryland.

In Popular Culture

Bettelheim was a public intellectual, whose writing and many public appearances in popular media paralleled a growing post WWII interest in psychoanalysis. For instance, he appeared multiple times on The Dick Cavett Show in the 70s to discuss theories of autism and psychoanalysis. Richard Pollak’s biography of Bettelheim argues that such popular appearances shielded his unethical behaviour from scrutiny.

Bettelheim appeared as himself in the 1983 Woody Allen mockumentary Zelig.

A BBC Horizon documentary about Bettelheim was televised in 1987.

Controversies and Scientific Fraud Accusations

Bettelheim’s life and work have come under increasing scrutiny since his death.

Misrepresented Credentials

Though he spent most of his life working in psychology and psychiatry, Bettelheim’s educational background in those fields is murky at best. Sources disagree whether Bettelheim’s PhD was in art history or in philosophy (aesthetics). When he was hired at the University of Chicago, Ralph W. Tyler assumed that he had two PhDs, one in art history and the other in psychology. He also believed, falsely, that Bettelheim was certified to conduct psychoanalysis though Bettelheim never received such certification. A posthumous review of his transcript showed that Bettelheim had only taken three introductory classes in psychology. Bertram Cohler and Jacquelyn Sanders at the Orthogenic School believed Bettelheim had a PhD in art history. In some of his own writings, Bettelheim implied that he had written a dissertation on the philosophy of education.

Determining Bettelheim’s education is complicated by the fact that he routinely embellished or inflated aspects of his own biography. As an example, Bettelheim’s first wife, Gina, took care of a troubled American child, Patsy, who lived in their home in Vienna for seven years. Although Bettelheim later claimed he himself had taken care of the child, there is general agreement that his wife actually provided most of the child care. However sources disagree on whether Patsy was autistic. Bettelheim later claimed that it was Patsy who inspired him to study autism and embellished her into two or even several autistic children in his home.

Additionally, when he applied for a position at Rockford College in Illinois, he claimed in a résumé that he had earned summa cum laude doctorates in philosophy, art history, and psychology, and he made claims that he had run the art department at Lower Austria’s library, that he had published two books on art, that he had excavated Roman antiquities, and that he had engaged in music studies with Arnold Schoenberg. When he applied at the University of Chicago for a professorship and as director of the Orthogenic School, he further claimed that he had training in psychology, experience raising autistic children, and personal encouragement from Sigmund Freud. The University of Chicago biographical sketch of Bettelheim listed a single PhD but no subject area. Posthumous biographies of Bettelheim have investigated these claims and have come to no clear conclusions about his credentials. A review in The Independent (UK) of Sutton’s book stated that Bettelheim “despite claims to the contrary, possessed no psychology qualifications of any sort”. Another review in The New York Times by a different reviewer stated that Bettelheim “began inventing degrees he never earned”. A review in the Chicago Tribune stated “as Pollak demonstrates, Bettelheim was a snake-oil salesman of the first magnitude.”

In a 1997 Weekly Standard article Peter Kramer, clinical professor of psychiatry at Brown University, summarised: “There were snatches of truth in the tall tale, but not many. Bettelheim had earned a non-honors degree in philosophy, he had made acquaintances in the psychoanalytic community, and his first wife had helped raise a troubled child. But, from 1926 to 1938, —the bulk of the ’14 years’ at university—Bettelheim had worked as a lumber dealer in the family business.”

In his 1997 review of Pollak’s book in the Baltimore Sun, Paul R. McHugh, then director of Psychiatry and Behavioural Sciences at Johns Hopkins, stated “Bettelheim—with boldness, energy and luck—exploited American deference to Freudo-Nietzschean mind-sets and interpretation, especially when intoned in accents Viennese.”

Richard Pollak’s 1997 Biography of Bettelheim

In the New York Review of Books, Robert Gottlieb describes Pollak as a “relentlessly negative biographer,” but Gottlieb still writes: “The accusations against Bettelheim fall into several categories. First, he lied; that is, he both exaggerated his successes at the school and falsified aspects of his background, claiming a more elaborate academic and psychoanalytic history in Vienna than he had actually had. There is conclusive evidence to support both charges.” Gottlieb goes on to say that Bettelheim arrived in the United States as a Holocaust survivor and refugee without a job nor even a profession, and writes: “I suspect he said what he thought it was necessary to say, and was then stuck with these claims later on, when he could neither confirm them (since they were false) nor, given his pride, acknowledge that he had lied.”

Richard Pollak’s biography begins with a personal account, for his brother died in an accident while home from Bettelheim’s school on holiday. While playing hide-and-go-seek in a hay loft, the brother fell through a chute covered with hay and hit the concrete floor on the level below. Years later, Pollak hoped to get some information about his brother’s life and sought out Bettelheim. As Pollak recounts, “Bettelheim immediately launched into an attack. The boys’ father, he said, was a simple-minded ‘schlemiel.’ Their mother, he insisted, had rejected Stephen at birth forcing him to develop ‘pseudo-feeble-mindedness’ to cope.” He went on to angrily ask: “What is it about these Jewish mothers, Mr. Pollak?” Bettelheim furthermore insisted the brother had committed suicide and made it look like an accident. Pollak did not believe this.

As a review in the Baltimore Sun states, “The stance of infallibility over matters Pollak knew to be untrue prompted him to wonder about the foundation of Bettelheim’s commanding reputation.”

In a 1997 book review in the New York Times, Sarah Boxer wrote (regarding the plagiarism allegations): “Mr. Pollak gives a damning passage-for-passage comparison of the two [Bettelheim’s book and Heuscher’s earlier book].”

Richard Pollak’s biography, The Creation of Dr. B, portrays Bettelheim as an anti-Semite even though he was raised in a secular Jewish household, and asserts that Bettelheim criticised in others the same cowardice he himself had displayed in the concentration camps.

Pollak’s biography also states that two women reported that Bettelheim had fondled their breasts and those of other female students at the school while he was ostensibly apologising to each for beating her.

A number of reviewers criticised Pollak’s writing style, commenting that his book was motivated by “Vengeance, not malice” or that his book was “curiously unnuanced”, but they still largely agreed with his conclusions.

Plagiarism in Bettelheim’s Uses of Enchantment

In 1991, Alan Dundes published an article in the Journal of American Folklore in which he claimed Bettelheim had engaged in plagiarism in his 1976 The Uses of Enchantment. He argued that Bettelheim had copied from a variety of sources, including Dundes’ own 1967 paper on Cinderella, but most of all from Julius E. Heuscher’s 1963 book A Psychiatric Study of Fairy Tales (revised edition 1974).

On the other hand, Jacquelyn Sanders, who worked with Bettelheim and later became director of the Orthogenic School, stated that she had read Dundes’ article but disagreed with its conclusions:

“I would not call that plagiarism. I think the article is a reasonable scholarly endeavor, and calling it scholarly etiquette is appropriate. It is appropriate that this man deserved to be acknowledged and Bettelheim didn’t… But I would not fail a student for doing that, and I don’t know anybody who would”.

Abusive Treatment of Students

Many students and staff at the school have argued that Bettelheim was abusive, violent, and cruel to them and to others. There are multiple newspaper accounts of abuse, in letters, editorials, articles, and memoirs. A November 1990 Chicago Tribune article states: “Of the 19 alumni of the Orthogenic School interviewed for this story, some are still bitterly angry at Bettelheim, 20 or 30 years after leaving the institution due to the trauma they had suffered under him. Others say their stays did them good, and they express gratitude for having had the opportunity to be at the school. All agree that Bettelheim frequently struck his young and vulnerable patients.”

A particularly evocative example came from Alida Jatich, who lived at the school from 1966 to 1972 from ages twelve to eighteen. She wrote an initially anonymous April 1990 letter to the Chicago Reader in which she stated that she “lived in fear of Bettelheim’s unpredictable temper tantrums, public beatings, hair pulling, wild accusations and threats and abuse in front of classmates and staff. One minute he could be smiling and joking, the next minute he could be exploding.” She added, “In person, he was an evil man who set up his school as a private empire and himself as a demi-god or cultleader.” Jatich said Bettelheim had “bullied, awed, and terrorized” the children at his school, their parents, school staff members, his graduate students, and anyone else who came into contact with him.

Jacquelyn Sanders, who later became director of the Orthogenic School, said she thought it was a case of Bettelheim getting too much success too quickly. “Dr. B got worse once he started getting acclaim,” she said. “He was less able to have any insight into his effect on these kids.”

Conversely, some staff who worked at the Orthogenic School have stated that they saw Bettelheim’s behaviour as being corporal punishment, in line with the standards of the time, and not abuse. As an example, David Zwerdling, who was a counsellor at the school for one year in 1969–70, wrote a Sept. 1990 response to The Washington Post in which he stated:

“I witnessed one occasion when an adolescent boy cursed at a female counselor. Incensed upon learning of this, Dr. Bettelheim proceeded to slap the boy two or three times across the face, while telling him sternly never to speak that way to a woman again. This was the only such incident I observed or heard of during my year at the school… until fairly recently, the near-consensus against corporal punishment in schools did not obtain.”

However, Zwerdling also noted:

“He also was a man who, for whatever reasons, was capable of intense anger on occasion.”

Published books, memoirs, and biographies of Bettelheim have also taken up the question of his treatment of students.

Institutional and Professional Non-responses

Perhaps in part because of Bettelheim’s professional and public stature, there was little effort during his lifetime to curtail his behaviour or intervene on behalf of his victims. His work at the University of Chicago seems to have been given less formal oversight by the university than other research entities under their purview.

A Newsweek article reported that Chicago-area psychiatrists had privately given him the nickname “Brutalheim,” but did nothing to intervene effectively on behalf of students at the school.[

Professionals in the psychiatric and psychological communities likely knew there were allegations of abuse and maltreatment at the Orthogenic School. Howard Gardner, a professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, wrote that many professionals knew of Bettelheim’s behaviour but did not confront him for various reasons ranging from “fear about Bettelheim’s legendary capacity for retribution to the solidarity needed among the guild of healers to a feeling that, on balance, Bettelheim’s positive attributes predominated and an unmasking would fuel more malevolent forces.”

Autism Controversy

Behavioural psychology and conditions in children and adolescents was little understood in the mid-twentieth century. The concept of “autism” was first used as a term for schizophrenia. In the 1950s into the 1960s what may be understood as autism in children was regularly also referred to as “childhood psychosis and childhood schizophrenia”. “Psychogenesis”, the theory that childhood disorders had origins in early childhood events or trauma acting on the child from the outside was a prominent theory, and Bettelheim was a prominent proponent of a psychogenic basis for autism. For Bettelheim, the idea that outside forces cause individual behaviour issues can be traced back to his earliest prominent article on the psychology of imprisoned persons. Beginning in the 1960s and into the 1970s, “biogenesis”, the idea that such conditions had an inner-organic or biological basis overtook psychogenesis.

Currently, many of Bettelheim’s theories in which he attributes autism spectrum conditions to parenting style are considered to be discredited, not least because of the controversies relating to his academic and professional qualifications.

Autism spectrum conditions are currently regarded as perhaps having multiple forms with a variety of genetic, epigenetic, and brain development causes influenced by such environmental factors as complications during pregnancy, viral infections, and perhaps even air pollution.

The two biographies by Sutton (1995) and Pollak (1997) awakened interest and focus on Bettelheim’s actual methods as distinct from his public persona. Bettelheim’s theories on the causes of autism have been largely discredited, and his reporting rates of cure have been questioned, with critics stating that his patients were not actually autistic. In a favourable review of Pollak’s biography, Christopher Lehmann-Haupt of The New York Times wrote, “What scanty evidence remains suggests that his patients were not even autistic in the first place.”

In 1997 the psychiatrist Peter Kramer wrote:

“The Ford Foundation was willing to underwrite innovative treatments for autistic children, so Bettelheim labeled his children autistic. Few actually met the definition of the newly minted syndrome.”

Bettelheim believed that autism did not have an organic basis, but resulted when mothers withheld appropriate affection from their children and failed to make a good connection with them. Bettelheim also blamed absent or weak fathers. One of his most famous books, The Empty Fortress (1967), contains a complex and detailed explanation of this dynamic in psychoanalytical and psychological terms. These views were disputed at the time by mothers of autistic children and by researchers. He derived his thinking from the qualitative investigation of clinical cases. He also related the world of autistic children to conditions in concentration camps.

It appears that Leo Kanner first came up with the term “refrigerator mother,” although Bettelheim did a lot to popularize the term. “Although it now seems beyond comprehension that anyone would believe that autism is caused by deep-seated issues arising in early childhood relationships, virtually every psychiatric condition was attributed to parent-child relationships in the 1940s and 1950s, when Freudian psychoanalytic theory was in its heyday.”

In A Good Enough Parent, published in 1987, he had come to the view that children had considerable resilience and that most parents could be “good enough” to help their children make a good start.

Prior to this, Bettelheim subscribed to and became an early prominent proponent of the “refrigerator mother” theory of autism: the theory that autistic behaviours stem from the emotional frigidity of the children’s mothers. He adapted and transformed the Orthogenic School at the University of Chicago as a residential treatment milieu for such children, who he felt would benefit from a “parentectomy”. This marked the apex of autism viewed as a disorder of parenting.

A 2002 book on autism spectrum stated, “At the time, few people knew that Bettelheim had faked his credentials and was using fictional data to support his research.” Michael Rutter has observed, “Many people made a mistake in going from a statement which is undoubtedly true—that there is no evidence that autism has been caused by poor parenting—to the statement that it has been disproven. It has not actually been disproven. It has faded away simply because, on the one hand, of a lack of convincing evidence and on the other hand, an awareness that autism was a neurodevelopmental disorder of some kind.”

In a 1997 review of two books on Bettelheim, Molly Finn wrote “I am the mother of an autistic daughter, and have considered Bettelheim a charlatan since The Empty Fortress, his celebrated study of autism, came out in 1967. I have nothing personal against Bettelheim, if it is not personal to resent being compared to a devouring witch, an infanticidal king, and an SS guard in a concentration camp, or to wonder what could be the basis of Bettelheim’s statement that ‘the precipitating factor in infantile autism is the parent’s wish that his child should not exist.'”

Although Bettelheim foreshadowed the modern interest in the causal influence of genetics in the section Parental Background, he consistently emphasised nurture over nature. For example: “When at last the once totally frozen affects begin to emerge, and a much richer human personality to evolve, then convictions about the psychogenic nature of the disturbance become stronger still.” (On Treatability, p.412. The rates of recovery claimed for the Orthogenic School are set out in Follow-up Data, with a recovery good enough to be considered a ‘cure’ of 43%, pp.414–15).

Subsequently, medical research has provided greater understanding of the biological basis of autism and other illnesses. Scientists such as Bernard Rimland challenged Bettelheim’s view of autism by arguing that autism is a neurodevelopmental issue. As late as 2009, the “refrigerator mother” theory retained some prominent supporters, including the prominent Irish psychologist Tony Humphreys. His theory still enjoys widespread support in France.

In his book Unstrange Minds (2007), Roy Richard Grinker wrote:

Two other books on autism, published at about the same time [as Bettelheim’s Empty Fortress (1967)], got little mention in the press: Bernard Rimland’s Autism: The Syndrome and Its Implications for a Neural Theory of Behavior (1964), which outlined the biological and neurological aspects of autism, and Clara Clairborne Park’s The Siege (1967), a beautifully written memoir of raising an autistic child. Though they were more accurate depictions of autism, they couldn’t compete with Bettelheim. He was simply too good a writer, and with his Viennese accent—the sign of an authentic expert in psychology—too good a self promoter.

Jordynn Jack writes that Bettelheim’s ideas gained currency and became popular in large part because society already tended to blame a mother first and foremost for her child’s difficulties.

Remarks about Jews and the Holocaust

Bettelheim’s experiences during the Holocaust shaped his personal and professional life for years after. His first publication was “Individual and Mass Behaviour in Extreme Situations” derived from his experiences at Dachau and Buchenwald. His later work frequently compared emotionally disturbed childhood to prison or confinement, and according to Sutton, his professional work attempted to operationalize the lessons about human nature he learned during his confinement.

Bettelheim became one of the most prominent defenders of Hannah Arendt’s book Eichmann in Jerusalem. He wrote a positive review for The New Republic. This review prompted a letter from a writer, Harry Golden, who alleged that both Bettelheim and Arendt suffered from “an essentially Jewish phenomenon… self-hatred”.

Bettelheim would later speak critically of Jewish people who were killed during the Holocaust. He has been criticised for promoting the myth that Jews went “like sheep to the slaughter” and for blaming Anne Frank and her family for their own deaths due to not owning firearms, fleeing, or hiding more effectively. In an introduction he wrote to an account by Miklos Nyiszli, Bettelheim stated, discussing Frank, that “Everybody who recognized the obvious knew that the hardest way to go underground was to do it as a family; that to hide as a family made detection by the SS most likely. The Franks, with their excellent connections among gentile Dutch families should have had an easy time hiding out singly, each with a different family. But instead of planning for this, the main principle of their planning was to continue as much as possible with the kind of family life they were accustomed to.”

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