The term reparation was used by Melanie Klein (1921) (an Austrian-British author and psychoanalyst) to indicate a psychological process of making mental repairs to a damaged internal world. In object relations theory, it represents a key part of the movement from the paranoid-schizoid position to the depressive position — the pain of the latter helping to fuel the urge to reparation.
Melanie Klein
Melanie Klein considered the ability to recognise our destructive impulses towards those we love and to make reparation for the damage we have caused them, to be an essential part of mental health. A key condition for that to take place is the recognition of one’s separateness from one’s parents, which makes possible the reparative attempt to restore their inner representations, however damaged they may be felt to be.
Acceptance of reality, inner and outer, forms a major part of the process and involves both abandoning fantasies of omnipotence and accepting the independent existence of one’s objects of attachment.
Where the damage done to the internal world is felt by a patient to be extreme, however, the task of reparation may seem too great, which is one of the obstacles facing the analytic attempt at cure.
Manic Reparation
Kleinian thought distinguishes between true reparation and manic reparation, the latter being driven by guilt rather than overcoming it. Manic reparation denies the pain and concern of feeling guilty by using magical methods of repair which maintain omnipotent control of the object in question, and refuse to allow it its separate existence. Thus manic reparation has to be endlessly repeated, since success would free the object from the manic person’s (contemptuous) power.
Donald Winnicott made his own distinctive contribution to the role of reparation in the “personalising” of the individual, the move from the ruthless use of the external object to a sense of concern. Winnicott focused on the way at a certain stage of development a feeling of guilt or concern begins to appear after the wholehearted instinctual experience of a feed. But once the reparative gesture—a smile, a gift—has been successfully acknowledged by the mother, Winnicott writes: “The breast (body, mother) is now mended and the day’s work is done. Tomorrow’s instincts can be awaited with limited fear”. The child’s contribution is a way of accepting the debt owed to the mother, for their survival and their participation in the work of reparation. If, on the other hand, the reparative gesture is not accepted, the infant is left with a feeling of depression or meaninglessness.
A similar dynamic may later appear between patient and analyst, with the making of progress being offered as a means of reparation.
Art
Kleinians considered that artistic creation was driven by the phantasy of repairing the loved object (mother).
Marion Milner in the Independent tradition also saw art as a way of both symbolizing and enacting inner reparation; but was criticised by Kleinians for giving too large a role to the omnipotent feelings of the artist in reparation.
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Military psychiatry covers special aspects of psychiatry and mental disorders within the military context. The aim of military psychiatry is to keep as many serving personnel as possible fit for duty and to treat those disabled by psychiatric conditions. Military psychiatry encompasses counselling individuals and families on a variety of life issues, often from the standpoint of life strategy counselling, as well as counselling for mental health issues, substance abuse prevention and substance abuse treatment; and where called for, medical treatment for biologically based mental illness, among other elements.
A military psychiatrist is a psychiatrist—whether uniformed officer or civilian consultant—specialising in the treatment of military personnel and military family members suffering from mental disorders that occur within the statistical norm for any population, as well as those disorders consequent to warfare and also stresses associated with military life.
By Country
Norway
From the 1960s Arne Sund, the chief psychiatrist of the Norwegian Armed Forces medical service, “established Norwegian military psychiatry as leading within NATO” and became the “founder of the research field of disaster psychiatry,” that evolved from military psychiatry.
United States
Active Duty Members
TRICARE is a health programme offered to uniformed service members, national guard or reserve members, survivors, former spouses, Medal of Honour recipients, and their families through the United States Department of Defence Military Health System. Upon enrolment, active duty members and their families gain access to emergency and non-emergency mental health care. In the case of a mental health emergency, members are advised to go to the nearest hospital emergency department. There is no requirement for prior authorization. Admissions must be reported to your regional contractor within 24 hours or the next business day. For non-emergency situations, active duty members must receive a referral and prior authorisation for all mental health care.
Veterans
The United States Department of Veteran Affairs offers mental health care to veterans through enrolment in VA health care. Benefits include emergency and non-emergency care. Emergency mental health care is available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, through VA medical centres and the Veterans Crisis Line. Non-emergency mental health care services provided include inpatient and outpatient care, rehabilitation treatment and residential (live-in) programmes, and supported work settings. Conditions treated by the VA:
Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)
Depression
Suicide prevention
Issues related to military sexual trauma (MST)
Substance use problems
Bipolar disease
Schizophrenia
Anxiety-related conditions
Epidemiology
Psychiatric disorders have been related to the greatest number of casualties and discharges in several wars. Such conditions typically have somatic manifestations. On-site, emergency psychiatric treatment reduces the prevalence of psychiatric morbidity within the military context.
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Narcissistic leadership is a leadership style in which the leader is only interested in themself. Their priority is themselves – at the expense of their people/group members. This leader exhibits the characteristics of a narcissist: arrogance, dominance and hostility. It is a sufficiently common leadership style that it has acquired its own name. Narcissism is most often described as unhealthy and destructive. It has been described as “driven by unyielding arrogance, self-absorption, and a personal egotistic need for power and admiration”.
Narcissism and Groups
A study published in the journal Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin suggests that when a group is without a leader, a narcissist is likely to take charge. Researchers have found that people who score high in narcissism tend to take control of leaderless groups. Sigmund Freud considered:
“the narcissistic type… especially suited to act as a support for others, to take on the role of leaders and to… impress others as being ‘personalities’.”,
one reason may be that:
“another person’s narcissism has a great attraction for those who have renounced part of their own… as if we envied them for maintaining a blissful state of mind—an unassailable libidinal position which we ourselves have since abandoned.”
According to the book Narcissism: Behind the Mask, there are four basic types of leader with narcissists most commonly in type 3 although they may be in type 1:
Authoritarian with task oriented decision making
Democratic with task oriented decision making
Authoritarian with emotional decision making
Democratic with emotional decision making
Michael Maccoby stated that “psychoanalysts don’t usually get close enough to [narcissistic leaders], especially in the workplace, to write about them.”
Corporate Narcissism
According to Alan Downs, corporate narcissism occurs when a narcissist becomes the chief executive officer (CEO) or other leadership roles within the senior management team and gathers an adequate mix of co-dependents around him (or her) to support the narcissistic behaviour. Narcissists profess company loyalty but are only really committed to their own agendas, thus organizational decisions are founded on the narcissist’s own interests rather than the interests of the organization as a whole, the various stakeholders, or the society in which the organization operates. As a result, “a certain kind of charismatic leader can run a financially successful company on thoroughly unhealthy principles for a time.
Neville Symington has suggested that “one of the ways of differentiating a good-enough organisation from one that is pathological is through its ability to exclude narcissistic characters from key posts.”
Impact of Healthy v. Destructive Narcissistic Managers
Lubit compared healthily narcissistic managers versus destructively narcissistic managers for their long-term impact on organisations.
Characteristic
Healthy Narcissism
Destructive Narcissism
Self-Confidence
High outward self-confidence in line with reality.
Grandiose.
Desire for Power, Wealth and Admiration
May enjoy power.
Pursues power at all costs, lacks normal inhibitions in its pursuits.
Relationships
Real concern for others and their ideas; does not exploit or devalue others.
Concerns limited to expressing socially appropriate response when convenient; devalues and exploits others without remorse.
Ability to Follow a Consistent Path
Has values; follows through on plans
Lack values; easily bored; often changes course.
Foundation
Healthy childhood with support for self-esteem and appropriate limits on behaviour toward others.
Traumatic childhood undercutting true sense of self-esteem and/or learning that they do not need to be considerate of others.
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Positive psychotherapy (PPT after Peseschkian, since 1977) is a psychotherapeutic method developed by psychiatrist and psychotherapist Nossrat Peseschkian and co-workers in Germany beginning in 1968. This humanistic psychodynamic psychotherapy is based on a positive conception of human nature. PPT is an integrative method which includes humanistic, systemic, psychodynamic and CBT-elements. Today there are centres and trainings in some twenty countries worldwide. It should not be confused with positive psychology.
Description
Positive Psychotherapy (PPT) is a therapeutic approach developed by Nossrat Peseschkian during the 1970s and 1980s. Initially known as “differentiational analysis,” it was later renamed as Positive Psychotherapy when Peseschkian published his work in 1977, which was subsequently translated into English in 1987. The term “positive” or “positivus” (from Latin) in PPT refers to the actual, real, and concrete aspects of human experiences.
The primary objective of positive psychotherapy and its practitioners is to assist patients and clients in recognising and cultivating their abilities, strengths, resources, and potentials. This approach combines elements from various modalities of psychotherapy, including a:
Humanistic perspective on human nature and therapeutic alliance;
Psychodynamic understanding of mental and psychosomatic disorders;
Systemic approach that considers family, culture, work, and environment, as well as a practical, self-help; and
Goal-oriented five-step therapy process that integrates techniques from different therapeutic methods.
PPT is characterised by its conflict-centred and resource-oriented approach, which draws influence from transcultural observations across more than twenty diverse cultures. Positioned between manualised cognitive behavioural therapy and process-oriented analytical psychotherapy, PPT employs a semi-structured approach to diagnostics, treatment, post-therapeutic self-help, and training.
About the Founder
Professor Doctor Nossrat Peseschkian, the founder of positive psychotherapy, was a German psychiatrist, neurologist, psychotherapist, and specialist in psychosomatic medicine, originally from Iran. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, he drew inspiration from various sources, individuals, and developments:
The prevailing spirit of that era, which gave rise to humanistic psychology and its subsequent advancements.
Personal interactions with notable and influential psychotherapists and psychiatrists like Viktor Frankl, Jacob L. Moreno, Heinrich Meng, among others.
The humanistic and integrative principles and values of the Baháʼí Faith.
The pursuit of an integrative approach, particularly due to the negative experiences of conflicts between psychoanalysts and behaviour therapists in Germany during that time.
Extensive transcultural observations in more than twenty cultures, driven by a quest for a culturally sensitive methodology.
Nossrat Peseschkian is tied to the development of the approach, as his life history and personality heavily influenced its creation. Peseschkian has been described by his biographer as a “wanderer between two worlds”, and his biography is subtitled “The East and the West”.
According to Peseschkian, the development of positive psychotherapy was motivated by his experience as an Iranian living in Europe since 1954, which made him acutely aware of the differences in behaviour, customs, and attitudes between cultures. This awareness began in childhood when he observed how religious customs varied among his Moslem, Christian, and Jewish classmates and teachers as a Bahá’í. His experiences led him to reflect on the relationships between different religions and people, and to gain an understanding of attitudes as coming from worldviews and family concepts. During his medical specialization, Peseschkian witnessed confrontations between different psychiatric, neurological, and psychotherapeutic positions, which taught him the importance of discarding prejudices. These experiences helped him feel comfortable in the West, where concepts like the equality of men and women have always been a given for him.
Positive psychotherapy can be traced back to the foundations of humanistic psychology and psychotherapy, which were established by pioneers like Kurt Goldstein, Abraham Maslow, and Carl Rogers. During his training, Nossrat Peseschkian was profoundly influenced by personal encounters with renowned psychotherapists such as Heinrich Meng, Viktor Frankl, and Jacob Levi Moreno, leaving a lasting impact on him. However, Peseschkian also witnessed the conflicts between various schools and approaches within the German psychotherapy community, where psychoanalysts and behaviour therapists refused to collaborate even for a simple lunch. Moreover, the strong influence of psychoanalysis and its subsequent developments, including Neo-Freudian, psychosomatic, and focus-oriented approaches like Balint, also shaped Peseschkian’s perspective. In response to these divisions, he aspired to construct a metatheory that could bridge the gaps between these different methods. Simultaneously, certain principles of the Bahá’í Faith deeply fascinated and inspired Nossrat Peseschkian throughout his life. These principles encompassed the harmony between science and religion, the Bahá’í concept of the human being as a “mine rich in gems of inestimable value,” and the vision of a global society embracing cultural diversity. These principles played a significant role in shaping his work and philosophical outlook.
The advancement of positive psychotherapy can be attributed to several factors that have contributed to its development over time. These factors include insights gained from ongoing medical education, experiences acquired through working with patients in psychotherapeutic and psychosomatic practices, interactions with individuals from diverse cultures, religions, and value systems, as well as the diverse and varied nature of psychotherapy methods. These cumulative experiences culminated in the creation of “Differentiational Analysis” in 1969, which subsequently underwent refinement and emerged as positive psychotherapy in 1977. The titles of early books authored by Peseschkian, such as Psychotherapy of Everyday Life (1974) and “In Search of Meaning” (1983), reflect the influence of psychoanalysis and existential schools of psychotherapy on the development of positive psychotherapy. Additionally, the title Positive Family Therapy (1980) underscores its parallel growth with systemic family therapy during the 1970s. In total, Peseschkian authored 29 books and numerous articles on this approach, contributing to its extensive literature and dissemination.
Brief History
1970-1980s
The 1970s marked an important period in the development and acceptance of positive psychotherapy as we know it today. It served as a turning point when PPT gained wider recognition within the field of psychotherapy. During this time, the foundational principles of PPT began to take shape and were implemented in the treatment of numerous patients and their families. These principles were also subjected to testing and were presented at international lectures, both within and outside of Germany. In this significant era, four out of the five fundamental books of PPT were published. These books include Psychotherapy of Everyday Life (originally published as Schatten auf der Sonnenuhr in 1974), Positive Psychotherapy (originally published in German in 1977), Oriental Stories in Positive Psychotherapy (originally published in German in 1979), and Positive Family Therapy (originally published in German in 1980). Moreover, the 1970s witnessed the establishment of the first postgraduate trainings in PPT, with the creation of a training organization in 1974, which later became the forerunner of the Wiesbaden Academy for Psychotherapy (WIAP). The Medical Chamber of Hesse recognised this training organisation in 1979 for psychotherapy residency training. Additionally, the German Association for Positive Psychotherapy was founded in 1977, becoming the world’s first national association of positive psychotherapy.
Throughout the 1980s, PPT experienced ongoing development, leading to the release of additional books, such as In Search of Meaning (originally published in German in 1983 and later translated into English in 1985). Collaborative efforts with young colleagues further contributed to the systematisation of the PPT method. A significant milestone during this time was the completion of Hamid Peseschkian’s dissertation in 1988, which marked the first dissertation focused exclusively on PPT. Within this dissertation, an important advancement was made in the structuring of the first interview in PPT. A questionnaire specifically designed for this initial interview was introduced and subsequently subjected to a psychodynamic study. In 1988, this questionnaire for the first interview, along with the WIPPF (questionnaire in PPT), was published with minor modifications. This precursor to the later semi-structured psychodynamic first interview was one of the early examples within the field of psychodynamic psychotherapy.
In the 1980s, Peseschkian travelled extensively to deliver PPT seminars in developing countries in Asia and Latin America. Important PPT works were translated into English during this time. Peseschkian also conducted seminars in management training and coaching, generating interest in applying PPT in these fields.
1990–2010
During this period, Peseschkian published his final fundamental work, Psychosomatics and Positive Psychotherapy in 1991 (German version) and later translated into English in 2013. This book introduced a structured and psychodynamic approach to treating various psychological and physical disorders.
The political changes in Central and Eastern Europe during the 1990s greatly accelerated the international expansion of PPT, which had already begun in the 1980s. PPT encountered significant interest in these cultures, which held a unique psychological position between Eastern and Western cultures. Eastern European colleagues, known for their organised working methods and thirst for knowledge, played a crucial role in systematising PPT seminars outside of Germany. By 1990, over 30 centres were established worldwide, starting with the first one in Kazan, Russia. The first national associations for positive psychotherapy were formed in Bulgaria (1993), Romania (2004), and Russia. PPT’s internationalisation continued with the legal registration of the International Centre for Positive Psychotherapy in 1996 as a NGO in Germany, which later evolved into the World Association for Positive and Transcultural Psychotherapy (WAPP). These developments coincided with the creation of the European Association of Psychotherapy (EAP) in Vienna in 1990, which set professional and legal standards for psychotherapy. Representatives of positive psychotherapy have been actively involved in the EAP since its inception.
In German-speaking countries, a debate on the effectiveness of various psychotherapy methods was sparked by Klaus Grawe’s publication in 1994 and the ensuing discussion surrounding psychotherapy laws. In response, Peseschkian and his colleagues conducted an extensive Effectiveness Study of Positive Psychotherapy, which received the Richard Merten Prize in 1997. This study provided empirical evidence of the practical effectiveness of PPT and aligned with the growing emphasis on evidence-based practices in psychotherapy.
In 1999, an international training curriculum for advanced studies in PPT was published, drawing from experiences across different countries. The year 2000 marked the inaugural of annual International Training for Trainers in positive psychotherapy. The expansion of PPT was formalised within Germany, with the Wiesbaden Academy for Psychotherapy (WIAP) receiving governmental recognition for postgraduate residency education pf psychologists in psychodynamic psychotherapy, and pedagogues and social workers in child and adolescent psychotherapy. The German law for psychotherapists of 1998, spurred further developments in the curriculum and systematisation of both basic and advanced PPT training, extending its influence beyond Germany. Over the years, basic level seminars held in Eastern Europe led to the emergence of new concepts. PPT transcended its original medical context and found application in various domains, including school and university education, management training, and coaching. The first world congress of PPT was organised in 1997 in St. Petersburg, Russia, and since then every 3–4 years. In 2005, the first graduate program offering a master’s degree in PPT was completed at UTEPSA University in Santa Cruz, Bolivia. The Prof.-Peseschkian Foundation, also known as the International Academy of Positive and Transcultural Psychotherapy (IAPP), was established in 2005 by Manije and Nossrat Peseschkian. It facilitates international initiatives and oversees the management of the International Archives of Positive Psychotherapy.
Since 2010
With the passing of Nossrat Peseschkian as the founder of PPT in 2010, the PPT community entered a new phase.
The World Association for Positive and Transcultural Psychotherapy (WAPP) is the global umbrella organisation for positive psychotherapy. Established in 1996 as the International Centre for Positive Psychotherapy, WAPP comprises individual members, national associations, training institutes, centres, and representative offices at national and regional levels. Its primary objective is to provide support to its members and individuals interested in studying, practicing, and promoting Positive Psychotherapy. WAPP is registered as a non-profit organization in Wiesbaden, Germany and in 2023 boasts over 2,200 individual members across 50 countries.
Positive psychotherapy is an officially recognised modality by the European Association for Psychotherapy (EAP). The European Federation of Centres for Positive Psychotherapy (EFCPP) is an organization that operates across Europe, serving as a European Wide Organisation (EWO), European Wide Accrediting Organisation (EWAO), and a European Accredited Psychotherapy Training Institute (EAPTI) through the IAPP-Academy, affiliated with EAP. Aspiring psychotherapists can obtain the European Certificate of Psychotherapy (ECP) in Positive Psychotherapy by undergoing training with EFCPP.
Positive psychotherapy is a registered trademark in the United States of America (the registration No. 6,082,225). In 2016, positive psychotherapy was officially registered in both the European Union and Switzerland.
As of 2023, national associations for PPT have been established in Bulgaria, Georgia, Germany, Romania, Kosovo, Ukraine, and Ethiopia. Furthermore, PPT is actively promoted through local or regional training centres in Armenia, Austria, Belarus, Bulgaria, China, Cyprus, Georgia, Germany, Kosovo, Latvia, North Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, and the United Kingdom. Seminars and lectures on PPT have reached more than 80 countries worldwide. Notably, PPT is now included in the curricula for psychology and psychotherapy programmes at universities in Bulgaria, Russia, Ukraine, and Turkey.
Theory
Main characteristics
The foundations of PPT are rooted in scientific theories that can also be found in other therapies. However, Peseschkian’s method combines elements of psychodynamic and humanistic psychotherapy theories and practices to create a transcultural psychotherapy approach. PPT also implements an integrative approach that considers the individual needs of the client, salutogenetic principles, family therapy, and self-help tools.
Main characteristics of the PPT method:
Integrative psychotherapy method
Humanistic psychodynamic method
Cohesive, integrated therapeutic system
Conflict-centred short-term method
Cultural-sensitive method
Use of stories, anecdotes, and wisdoms
Innovative interventions and techniques
Application in psychotherapy, other medical disciplines, counselling, education, prevention, management, and trainings.
Main Principles
The three main principles or pillars of Positive Psychotherapy are:
The Principle of Hope
The Principle of Balance
The Principle of Consultation
The Principle of Hope
This suggests that therapists aim to help patients comprehend and perceive the meaning and purpose behind their disorder or conflict. Consequently, the disorder is reframed in a “positive” manner, leading to positive interpretations. Here are a few examples:
Sleep disturbance is viewed as the ability to remain alert and manage with limited sleep.
Depression is seen as the capacity to deeply experience and express emotions in response to conflicts.
Schizophrenia is considered as the ability to exist simultaneously in two worlds or a vivid fantasy realm.
By adopting this optimistic perspective, a shift in viewpoint becomes possible not only for the patient but also for their surroundings. Thus, illnesses serve a symbolic function that both the therapist and patient need to acknowledge. The patient learns that the symptoms and complaints of the illness act as signals to restore balance to the four dimensions of their life.
The Principle of Balance
This acknowledges that despite social and cultural variations, all individuals tend to rely on common coping mechanisms when dealing with their problems. Nossrat Peseschkian, in conjunction with the Balance Model of Positive Psychotherapy, has developed a dynamic and contemporary approach to conflict resolution across different cultures. This model highlights four fundamental aspects of life:
Body/Health – psychosomatic concerns.
Achievement/Work – factors contributing to stress.
Contact/Relationships – potential triggers for depression.
Future/Fantasy/Meaning of Life – fears and phobias.
While these four domains are inherent in all humans, Western societies tend to prioritize the areas of physical well-being and professional success, whereas the Eastern hemisphere places greater emphasis on interpersonal connections, imagination, and future aspirations (a transcultural aspect of Positive Psychotherapy). Insufficient contact and lack of imagination are known to contribute to various psychosomatic illnesses.
Each individual develops their own coping preferences when confronted with conflicts. However, when one particular mode of conflict resolution dominates, other modes may be overshadowed. The contents of conflicts, such as punctuality, orderliness, politeness, trust, time, and patience, are categorised as primary and secondary capacities, built upon the foundational capacities of love and knowledge. This can be seen as a content-based differentiation of Freud’s classical model of the id, ego, and superego.
The Principle of Consultation
This introduces the concept of the five stages of therapy and self-help, which are closely intertwined in Positive Psychotherapy. In these stages, both the patient and their family are collectively informed about the illness and the individualised solution for it. The five stages are as follows:
Observation and Distancing: This stage involves perceiving and expressing desires and problems while maintaining a certain level of emotional detachment.
Taking Inventory: Cognitive capacities come into play as the patient reflects on significant life events that have occurred within the past 5 to 10 years.
Situational Encouragement: Self-help and activating internal resources become the focus at this stage. The patient is encouraged to draw upon past successes in resolving conflicts.
Verbalization: The communicative capacities of the patient are emphasized, enabling them to articulate and express outstanding conflicts and problems related to the four dimensions of life.
Expansion of Goals: This stage aims to foster a forward-looking orientation in life once the problems are resolved. The patient is prompted with questions like, “What would you like to do when all problems have been solved? What are your goals for the next five years?”
These five stages encompass a comprehensive approach to therapy and self-help, providing a framework for addressing the various aspects of an individual’s well-being and promoting their personal growth and future aspirations.
Positive Psychotherapy as a Metatheory
Peseschkian’s initial goal was twofold: firstly, to create a method that patients could easily understand and utilise, and secondly, to offer positive psychotherapy as a mediator between different psychotherapy schools. In his book Positive Psychotherapy (published in 1977 in German and 1987 in English), he devoted an entire chapter to this challenge, entitled “Positive Psychotherapy and Other Psychotherapies” (p.365–400). Peseschkian regarded this chapter as the most challenging and labour-intensive one in the book. He emphasized that positive psychotherapy should not be perceived as just another method within the field of psychotherapy. Instead, it provides a comprehensive framework that enables the selection of appropriate methodological approaches for specific cases and facilitates the alternation between these methods. In essence, positive psychotherapy represents a metatheory of psychotherapy. It views psychotherapy not merely as a fixed method to address specific symptom profiles, but also as a response to the broader societal, transcultural, and social contexts in which it operates.
Also Peseschkian insisted that positive psychotherapy should not be seen as a closed and exclusive system; instead, it assigns significance to different psychotherapeutic methods. It embraces various approaches such as psychoanalytic, psychodynamic, behaviour therapy, group therapy, hypnotherapy, medication-based treatment, and physical therapy. Positive psychotherapy can be considered an integrative method that incorporates multiple dimensions of therapy.
It took almost two decades before Klaus Grawe and his colleagues in Switzerland published a meta-analysis on the effectiveness of various psychotherapy approaches and proposed a general method that transcended traditional schools of psychotherapy. In the United States, Jerome Frank published a scheme for integrated psychotherapy, but this plan was also met with controversy and was not accepted. The movements for eclectic and integrative psychotherapy, which have found increasing acceptance since that time, have nonetheless skirted the core goal of theoretical integration and largely settled for the peripheral function of employing techniques from various schools. Today, there is a growing consensus that factors such as the therapeutic alliance, empathy, expectations, cultural adaptation, and the therapist’s personality are more important than specific methods and techniques.
Positive Approach
Positive psychotherapy emphasizes the mobilization of existing capacities and potential for self-help instead of primarily focusing on eliminating existing disturbances. The therapy begins with the possibilities for development and capacities of the individuals involved(Peseschkian N., p.1–7), following the approach of Maslow who coined the term “positive psychology” to highlight the importance of focusing on positive qualities in people. Symptoms and disorders are viewed as reactions to conflicts, and the therapy is called “positive” because it recognises the wholeness of the individuals involved, including both the pathogenesis of illness and the salutogenesis of joys, capacities, resources, potentials, and possibilities. (Jork K, Peseschkian N., p.13).
The term positive in positive psychotherapy is based on the “positive sciences” concept (based on Max Weber, 1988), which means a judgment-free description of the observed phenomenon. Nossrat Peseschkian uses the term positum in a broader sense, meaning that which is available, given, or actual. This positive aspect of the illness is just as important for the understanding and clinical treatment of the affliction as the negative aspect. The therapy aims to mobilise existing capacities and potential for self-help and focuses on the possibilities for development and capacities of the individuals involved, rather than just treating them as a “bag of symptoms.” Peseschkian believes that symptoms and disorders are reactions to conflicts, and the therapy is called “positive” because it proceeds from the concept of the wholeness of the persons involved as a given.
The concept of positive psychotherapy is based on a humanistic view of human nature, which emphasizes the inherent goodness and potential of individuals. According to PPT, people have two basic capacities: to love and to know, and through education and personal development, they can further develop these capacities and their unique personalities. Therapy, in this context, is seen as a tool for promoting further growth and education for the patient and their family.
In positive psychotherapy, disorders are reframed in a positive light. Depression, for instance, is viewed as “the capacity to react to conflicts with deep emotionality”; fear of loneliness is seen as “the desire to be with other people”; alcoholism is reinterpreted as “the capacity to supply oneself with warmth (and love) that is not received from others”; psychosis is considered as “the capacity to live in two worlds at the same time”; and cardiac disorders are seen as “the capacity to hold something very close to one’s heart”.
The positive process involved in PPT results in a shift in perspective for all parties involved, including the patient, their family, and the therapist/physician. Instead of focusing solely on the symptom, attention is directed towards the underlying conflict. Furthermore, this approach allows for the identification of the “real patient”, who is often not the one seeking treatment, but rather a member of their social environment. By interpreting illnesses in a positive light, patients are encouraged to understand the potential function and psychodynamic significance of their illness for themselves and those around them, and to recognise their abilities rather than just their pathologies.
Basic and Actual Capacities
Conflicts in everyday life as well as inner conflicts, which can lead to psychological disturbances and illness, often are connected to actual value judgments. Behind them stand concepts for instance of love or justice or of values such as orderliness, trust or patience, characteristics which in positive psychotherapy are called actual capacities. Ways of behaving, values, virtues and conflictual ideas are connected to specific contents of actual capacities which are present in all cultures. Each person reacts in his own way to a concept which he has learned and developed during the course of his or her life, one which is impressed upon him or her by individual experience, and which has become an inherited model through culture and education. Punctuality or trust, for example, will be treated differently by two different people in comparable situations. Conflicts leading to distress and even physical reactions often result from divergent concepts regarding the active actual capacities, in the example punctuality or trust. The different valuations of concepts result from differing cultural and family concepts. The importance of punctuality or trust in comparison to contact, achievement or justice are seen as different from one individual to another. This can lead to conflicts but also to exchange, learning and broadening of a person’s concepts. In 1977, Nossrat Peseschkian introduced the term “actual capacities”.
According to Peseschkian every person possesses two basic capacities: The capacity to love, expressed in the primary capacities as emotional needs, and the capacity to know, developed with the secondary actual capacities, the social norms. The capacity to love finds its expression in the primary actual capacities such as patience, time, and trust. The capacity to know finds its expression in the secondary actual capacities such as punctuality, cleanliness, and orderliness: “We structure our experiences with the help of the capacity to know… It contains the capacity to learn (to collect experiences) and to teach (to give experiences to others).”
Primary Capacities (Capacities to Love)
Secondary Capacities (Capacities to Know)
Love/Acceptance
Punctuality
Modelling
Cleanliness
Patience
Orderliness
Time
Obedience/Discipline
Contact
Politeness/Appropriateness
Sexuality/Tenderness
Openness/Honesty
Trust
Fidelity
Confidence
Justice
Hope
Diligence/Achievement
Belief
Thrift
Doubt
Dependability
Certainty
Exactness
Unity
Conscientiousness
Emotional needs and the capacity for relationships (achieved through modelling)
Social norms and formation of relationships (achieved through education)
Peseschkian developed the “Differentiational Analytical Theory” (p.25) as a complement to the psychoanalysis of that time, which was concerned primarily with the psychosexual phases of development (for example, oral, anal and oedipal), development of autonomy and conflicts between the id and the super-ego. The Differentiation Analysis asks which specific content arises in earlier stages: The parents’ patience, the development of trust, the experience of love in unconditional acceptance is a developmental psychological prerequisite for successful development in the oral phase. These capacities, known as “primary”, are imprinted on the child by the direct behaviour of the parents and through their modelling. Primary capacities such as having patience (with oneself or others), having trust (in oneself, in others, or in fate), having and giving time, are basic necessities for the development of the newborn child. The child needs warmth, time, patience and empathetic, unconditional acceptance in order to develop her/his own age-appropriate inner balance.
The primary actual capacities of the relationship with the first reference person makes it possible to relate to oneself, to be at peace with oneself, to perceive oneself, to develop a consciousness of oneself and the world and finally to deal appropriately with inner and outer conflicts. The primary capacity of “patience” is prerequisite for appropriate impulse control, the capacity “trust” is required for inner support, warmth and a feeling of safety. How important is the unconscious, loving acceptance received from one’s mother, the grandmother who always has time and patience, or the internal figure of the father whom the child could trust so completely as to allow herself to fall into his arms or to trust with him something that she did not yet really trust by herself!
The secondary actual capacities such as punctuality, politeness, openness, justice or fidelity often play a role as social norms in resolving conflicts and misunderstandings. Similarly, “orderliness” is one of the most frequent contents of conflicts between parents and children in occidental cultures, also between the couples themselves. “Justice”, a secondary capacity, and the experience of injustice must be faced and balanced again and again, loving acceptance, taking time to understand and being patient. “Obedience” as an expression of discipline is for historic reasons not much prized in democratic Germany, but despite this, it is generally accepted as a fact of life and seen as constructive in the schools and the inherent freedom to make decisions is set aside by the necessity to obey the rules. This, however, is one of the most frequent conflict factors in education. In psychotherapy, conflicts of the superego stand out in situations marked by religion as triggers for guilt conflicts.
It is noteworthy from a transcultural perspective that in Oriental cultures, primary capacities such as love, trust and contact are more highly valued, while secondary capacities such as orderliness, punctuality and cleanliness are more sharply pronounced in Western cultures. The emphasis is determined even in early childhood, for example, when the baby’s feeding times are set down and clear rules as to the exact time for the main meal are laid down, as well as other such rules. These differences often lead to misunderstandings, but also to conflicts and judgments.
Positive psychotherapy analyses the specific content of the conflicts as triggers for the emotions and focuses in counselling or therapy on the inner and outer conflicts or values and the capacities which are the contents of these conflicts. The emotions which lead to suffering, or the physical symptoms can then be understood as values functioning in a conflict of opposite concepts. In this connection the conflict-centred process focuses less on the triggers than on identifying and then working through the conflict which caused them.
Transcultural Approach
The integration of a transcultural perspective into psychotherapy was not only a primary focus of Nossrat Peseschkian from the outset, but also held a sociopolitical significance for him. Nossrat Peseschkian emphasizes the importance of a transcultural approach in positive psychotherapy, as it is a recurring theme throughout the method. This perspective offers valuable insights for understanding individual conflicts and holds significant social implications. Issues such as immigration, development aid, interactions with individuals from different cultures, transcultural marriages, addressing prejudices, alternative models from diverse cultural backgrounds, and political challenges arising from transcultural situations can all be addressed using this approach.
The inclusion of cultural factors and the recognition of the unique nature of each treatment has expanded the applicability of PPT and made it an effective method for use in multicultural societies. PPT has been taught and practiced by psychotherapists in over 70 countries, and it can be considered a transcultural approach to psychotherapy. Therefore, the principles of PPT form the foundation for defining and constructing the field of transcultural psychotherapy, which is essential for psychotherapy education, continuing education, and the recognition and adoption of new psychotherapy disciplines.
The meaning of “transcultural” in PPT can be understood in two ways:
Firstly, it refers to the recognition of the unique characteristics of patients who come from different cultural backgrounds, which is also known as intercultural or migrant psychotherapy.
Secondly, it involves considering cultural factors in every therapeutic relationship to broaden the therapist’s repertoire and promote a sociopolitical awareness.
PPT is a culture-sensitive method (concept of “unity in diversity”) that can be adapted to various cultures and life situations and should not be viewed as a form of Western “psychological colonization”. Nossrat Peseschkian highlights the significance of the social aspect in positive psychotherapy, suggesting that it can be applied broadly to various social relationships, such as those between groups, peoples, nations, and cultural groups. By doing so, a comprehensive social theory may be established, focusing on interaction challenges, human abilities, and economic circumstances.
Transcultural psychotherapy is not just a comparison between different cultures but a comprehensive concept that focuses on the cultural dimensions of human behaviour. It seeks to understand how people are different and what they have in common. PPT uses examples from other cultures to help patients broaden their own repertoire of behaviour and relativise their own perspective. Tools such as stories, tales, social norms, and the Balance Model are used to promote a transcultural perspective. In 1979, Nossrat Peseschkian used the term “transcultural psychotherapy” and dedicated a chapter to it in his book The Merchant and the Parrot: Oriental Stories in Positive Psychotherapy. He believed that the solution of transcultural problems will be one of the major tasks of the future due to the increasing importance of transcultural difficulties in private life, work, and politics. The principle of transcultural problems becomes the principle of relationships between people and of dealing with inner conflicts, ultimately becoming the object of psychotherapy.
First Interview in Positive Psychotherapy
Peseschkian developed a semi-structured first interview, which is one of the few in the field of psychodynamic psychotherapy. Hamid Peseschkian’s dissertation, presented in 1988, was the first doctoral dissertation dealing with PPT. The first interview in PPT was first structured in this dissertation, a questionnaire for this first interview was presented and a psychodynamic study of it was undertaken. This precursor to the later semi-structured psychodynamic first interview was a significant contribution to psychodynamic psychotherapy and was published in 1988 along with the WIPPF questionnaire on PPT.
The first interview in psychotherapy is a crucial component that can be compared to a medical examination and history-taking in somatic medicine. It serves several purposes, including diagnosis, therapy planning, prognosis, and hypothesis generation. In PPT, the first interview involves a diagnostic approach similar to that of a medical history, but also considers relationship factors and the therapeutic alliance. It acknowledges the impact of expectations, including the hope for effective therapy (Snyder, p.193–212, Frank). Due to its semi-structured nature and adaptable concepts, it can be applied in various contexts such as individual therapy, couples therapy, family therapy, counselling, and coaching, and is suitable for diverse cultural settings.
The first interview in PPT is a semi-structured interview that includes both mandatory and optional questions. Depending on the answers given to the mandatory questions, the therapist may or may not ask the optional questions. The questions can be open-ended or closed, and are designed to gather information for diagnostic, therapeutic, prognostic, and hypothesis-formulating purposes (p.31). The interview can be used during the initial meeting or early sessions as part of the preliminary phase of therapy, and can also be used for orientation purposes in the first session, with the therapist going into greater depth on particular areas during subsequent sessions. The first interview is applicable to a wide range of settings, including therapy with individuals, children, youth, couples, and families, as well as counselling and coaching, and can be adapted to different cultures.
Balance Model
The Balance model is widely recognised and can be applied in various fields, including therapy, self-help, and family therapy. It is comparable to Freud’s concept of libido, Adler’s life goals, and Jung’s four functions of perception, ratio, sensitivity, and intuition. The Balance Model offers a structural representation of the personality and enables the identification of areas in which an individual may be lacking. By addressing these areas, a new balance can be achieved, leading to a synthesis within the therapy.
Balance Model in positive psychotherapy developed by Nossrat Peseschkian.
The Balance Model is based on the concept that there are essentially four areas of life in which a human being lives and functions, and that significantly impact an individual’s overall satisfaction, self-worth, and ability to cope with challenges. These areas serve as key indicators of an individual’s personality in the present moment and encompass the biological-physical, rational-intellectual, socio-emotional, and imaginative, value-oriented aspects of daily life. While all individuals possess the potential for each of these areas, some may be more prominent or neglected based on variations in education and environment. Life energies, activities, and reactions are influenced by and connected to these four areas:
Physical activities and perceptions, such as eating, drinking, tenderness, sexuality, sleep, relaxation, sports, appearance, and clothing;
Professional achievement and capabilities, such as a trade, household duties, gardening, basic and advanced education, and money management;
Relationships and contact styles with partners, family, friends, acquaintances and strangers; social engagements and activities;
Future plans, religious/spiritual practices, purpose/meaning, meditation, reflection, death, beliefs, ideas and development of vision or imagination-fantasy.
The aim of the Balance Model is to restore equilibrium among the four areas of life. In psychotherapeutic treatment, the objective is to assist the patient in identifying their own resources and utilising them to achieve a dynamic balance. Specifically, this entails prioritizing a balanced allocation of energy, with each area receiving dynamically an equal proportion (25%) rather than an equal amount of time. Prolonged one-sidedness can lead to conflicts and illnesses, among other negative outcomes.
Model Dimensions
Assessing the impact of early childhood experiences on a patient is a crucial and difficult task in psychodynamic psychotherapy. In PPT, the Model Dimensions concept, also known as “examples”, “role models”, or “forms of love”, is used as a tool to describe the pattern of family concepts that shape an individual’s experience and development. Early upbringing and environment influence the unique development and expression of the basic capacities for love and knowledge, as described by Nossrat Peseschkian. The Balance Model illustrates the means of the capacity to know, while the four model dimensions illustrates the means of the capacity to love.
The four model dimensions of positive psychotherapy.
The use of the four model dimensions in PPT extends the analytic self and object theories of Kohut and Kernberg by introducing not only the “I” dimension, but also the “You,” “We,” and “Primary We” dimensions. The “You” dimension represents the relationship of the patient’s parents or primary care takers amongst each other, while the “We” dimension includes the parents’/primary care takers experiences with others. The “Primary We” dimension, which is unique to PPT, describes the relationships between the patient’s primary care takers such as parents and grandparents and their life philosophy or religious beliefs. By incorporating these four subject relations, PPT expands on the self-object theories and establishes itself as a distinctive approach that could potentially influence the future of psychodynamic therapies.
Dimension “I” is the model dimension that focuses on an individual’s relationship with themselves and their life-long struggles, such as self-esteem, self-confidence, self-image, and basic trust versus basic distrust. These issues are largely influenced by the individual’s childhood experiences and their relationship with their parents and siblings. During childhood, individuals learn to form a relationship with themselves based on how their wants and needs are fulfilled.
Dimension “You” refers to an individual’s relationship with others, specifically with their romantic partner. The primary model for this relationship is the example set by the individual’s parents, particularly in their own relationship with each other. The behaviour and interactions between parents serve as a model for the possible ways of behaving in a partnership, influencing how the individual forms their own relationship with their romantic partner.
Dimension “We” concerns an individual’s relationship to their social surroundings and is largely influenced by their parents’ relationship with their own social environment. Through socialisation, attitudes towards social behaviour and achievement norms are transferred from parents to their children. These attitudes and expectations are related to social ties beyond the immediate family, such as relationships with relatives, colleagues, social reference groups, interest groups, compatriots, and humanity as a whole. The ways in which parents interact with and navigate these social relationships shape their children’s understanding and approach to social behaviour.
Dimension “Origin/Primal-We” refers to an individual’s relationship with their origin or primal community, which is largely influenced by their parents’ attitude towards meaning, purpose, spirituality/religion, and worldview. This dimension is not solely based on formal membership in a religious community but is fundamental to the question of meaning that arises later in life. Even if an individual rejects religion, their relationship with their origin or primal community remains important as the basis for other systems of orientation that are expected to provide meaning and purpose.
Conflict Model
Peseschkian’s psychodynamic Conflict model (refer to Figure) highlights the differentiation of content, which is the focal point of contention, and its internal evaluation. The model distinguishes between the actual conflict that arises in a burdensome situation, the pre-existing basic conflict, and the unconscious inner conflict that causes physical and/or mental symptoms. The term “conflict” (from the Latin confligere, meaning to clash or fight) refers to the apparent incompatibility of inner and outer values and concepts or an internal ambivalence. Emotions, affective states, and physical reactions can be understood as signal indicators of an inner conflict of values and the distribution of actual capacities. Therefore, in PPT, the question is asked about the content: what causes or triggers this emotion?
The concept of the three main conflicts in PPT.
Peseschkian’s concept of “microtrauma” refers to the accumulation of small, repetitive psychic injuries that cause microstress or “trivia, or trifles” (p.80), and can trigger inner conflicts. These microtrauma are different from major life events or macrotrauma. They are considered to be conflict content and are related to the actual capacities that individuals possess, which enable them to form relationships but can also become a source of conflict. In an actual conflict, when coping mechanisms are overburdened, an old unconscious basic conflict may arise, pitting primary emotional needs such as trust, hope, or tenderness against secondary capacities or social norms such as orderliness, punctuality, justice, or openness. When the previous compromise that worked to resolve the basic conflict is no longer effective, an inner conflict arises, leading to symptoms that are seen as attempts at a solution. These conflict reactions can be represented using the Balance Model, even though they cannot bring about a resolution, they still have an impact.
When certain abilities, morals, ideas, or principles are consistently used without adaptation to the current circumstances, it can lead to disorders. If family concepts or compromises made in the past continue to be repeated, an unconscious inner conflict can arise, which can cause psychological, psychosomatic, or physical disturbances. These symptoms serve as a way for the patient to express something unconsciously and have a specific significance for everyone. The goal of PPT is to strengthen neglected areas and underdeveloped capacities within the therapeutic relationship and daily life, allowing patients to effectively resolve conflicts and achieve inner and outer balance.
Narrative Approach using Stories and Wisdom
A special technique used in PPT is the therapeutic use of tales, stories, and proverbs, which was first introduced by Nossrat Peseschkian in his work Oriental Stories as Tools in Psychotherapy – The Merchant and the Parrot in 1979. While hypnotherapy (Milton Erickson) had used this approach, it was not common in psychodynamic therapy until Peseschkian’s work. Unlike Carl Gustav Jung, who focused on fairy tales, the Peseschkian method employs a wider range of narrative therapy and association tools. “Using stories and parables from the Orient and other cultures, an effort is made to recognize and further a person’s potential for self-help. With reference to the symbolic meaning of proverbs and old words of wisdom drawn from many cultures, the person to whom they are told is led in psychotherapy to a more positive view of himself” (p.92).
The intended therapeutic effect of surprise that results from the use of Eastern stories, which may initially seem unfamiliar in European culture, has been proven effective not only in other cultures (p.24–34). Stories serve multiple functions in therapy, including creating norms for self-comparison and questioning established norms to view them as relative. In the first stage of therapy, these stories can lead to a change in perspective, which is then used in subsequent stages. Such narratives can also facilitate the release of emotions and thoughts, often playing a critical role in therapy. Storytelling in therapy serves as a mirror that allows readers or listeners to identify with the characters and their experiences, reflecting on their own needs and situations. By presenting solutions, stories can act as models that patients can compare with their own approach, leading to broader interpretations and the potential for change. Additionally, storytelling is particularly effective in helping patients who are resistant to change and who cling to old and outdated ideas.
Five-Step Concepts
The five-step concepts used in individual and family therapy, similar to the five fingers of each hand, closely resemble the natural process observed in group psychotherapy described by Raymond Battegay, psychodrama described by Moreno, and further education of people as described by Alfred Adler. What sets Peseschkian’s approach apart is the systematic application of this process model to psychotherapy. The five-step procedure serves as a roadmap for both the therapist and the client to find the most effective means of self-help. Research in therapy has shown that the better we handle challenging therapy situations and reflect on the therapeutic relationship, the more successful the outcome of therapy is likely to be.
The three stages of interaction in therapy (attachment, differentiation, detachment) involve a 5-stage process of communication, which is utilised both within individual sessions and throughout the course of therapy.
The first step is acceptance, observation, and distancing, which involves a shift in perspective.
The second step involves taking inventory, differentiating the contents and background of the conflict and the patient’s strengths.
The third step is situational encouragement, where self-help and resources are developed.
The fourth step involves working through the conflict through verbalization.
The fifth and final step, called broadening of the goals, involves reflecting on, summarising, and testing new concepts, strategies, and perspectives with a future-oriented focus.
This structured communication approach is unique to the Peseschkian method and contributes to successful therapy outcomes. This therapeutic process is focused on the future and change, and it involves using concepts from the past that are effective for the present. Additionally, concepts from other psychotherapy disciplines are used when appropriate (integrative aspect). The patient and their surroundings actively participate in understanding the illness process (self-help).
The 5 stages in PPT serve as a structure for communication within a therapy session or throughout the entire therapeutic process, which would otherwise lack direction. Through the use of appropriate understanding, leading questions, stories, association triggers, and revisiting previous themes, the therapist facilitates the patient’s storytelling and reflection. The process gives both the therapist and the patient a starting point and a sense of security, preparing the patient to work through conflicts and engage in self-help, especially after the therapy has ended.
Application
Fields of Application of PPT
The method of positive psychotherapy, which was originally developed for psychotherapy, has expanded beyond its traditional application and has been applied in various fields such as counselling, pedagogy, and social work. In Germany, PPT has been used in counselling since 1992, while in Bulgaria, it has been used in pedagogy since the same year. In China, it has been used to train social workers about mental health disorders, coping with families, and preventing burnout since 2014. PPT has also been used as a basis for specialized training programs in children and youth therapy in Bulgaria since 2006, and later in Ukraine and Russia. Professionals from various countries such as Germany, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Turkey, Kosovo, China, Bolivia, and Ukraine have specialised in PPT-based positive family therapy and counselling. As a result, PPT has become a means of sharing psychotherapeutic competences and experiences across different professional and cultural fields.
Originally designed as a fundamental positive psychosomatic treatment for mental health, psychosomatic medicine, prevention, and psychotherapy, Positive Psychotherapy has been utilised by numerous medical doctors in Germany. The approach has been implemented in a number of hospitals, as well as in the Wiesbaden Academy of Psychotherapy’s state-approved training programme for psychodynamic therapy in Germany.
Outside of Psychotherapy
Positive psychotherapy has found application in a wide range of settings, including education and schools, the psychology of religion, trainings for teachers, time management, various counselling contexts, management training, seminars for partnership or marriage preparation, recruiting, trainings for jurists and mediators; the armed forces, society, officers, and politicians; intercultural trainings, naturopathy and order therapy (also known as mind-body medicine), burnout prevention, and supervision. Additionally, PPT is utilised in coaching, family counselling, and general counselling.
Treatment
Practice
Positive psychotherapy is utilised for the treatment of various mental health conditions, including mood (affective) disorders, neurotic disorders, stress-related disorders, somatoform disorders, and certain behavioural syndromes as classified in the ICD-10 (chapters F3-5). It has also shown promise in addressing personality disorders to some extent (chapter F6). PPT has been successfully integrated with traditional individual therapy and has been found beneficial in couple, family, and group therapy settings. Additionally, PPT has been applied in the field of psychiatry, demonstrating its effectiveness when working with (post)psychotic patients and in group settings within psychiatric hospitals, where the utilisation of stories and anecdotes has proven to be particularly impactful.
Self-Help
Peseschkian’s books are specifically intended for non-experts seeking self-help. His works, like “The Psychotherapy of Everyday Life” (1977 German, 1986 English), are designed to assist individuals in handling misunderstandings. Similarly, In Search of Meaning (1983 German and 1985 English) provides guidance on navigating life crises. Furthermore, books like If You Want Something You Never Had, Then Do Something You Never Did (2011) concentrate on resolving interpersonal conflicts. Moreover, individuals can pursue specialised courses to become certified counsellors in Positive Psychotherapy, enabling them to facilitate conflict moderation and promote self-help during challenging situations.
Trainings
PPT Trainings
WAPP’s main postgraduate training programme is divided into three parts. These parts are designed in a sequential order, i.e. they need to be completed successively starting with the lowest level.
Basic Consultant of Positive Psychotherapy (200 h – incl. theory and self-discovery).
Candidate Certified Positive Psychotherapist (710 h – incl. theory, supervision, and self-discovery).
European Certified Positive Psychotherapist (1400 h – incl. theory, practice, supervision, and self-discovery).
The courses are split up into modules of 3 or 4 days each, spread over several months depending on the kind of course. Training of Positive and Transcultural Psychotherapy consist of three content parts:
Theory. Learning all basic concepts and tools of Positive and Transcultural Psychotherapy.
Self-discovery/self-experience. Primarily, educational self-experience should assist students (candidates, residents, trainees) in developing a psychodynamic psychotherapeutic identity. The self-reflection of the student should be strengthened and developed. They should encounter their own central inner conflict and their own personality structure. They should experience themselves how psychotherapy works, and how challenging it can be. The personal experience of the unconscious is the central aspect of psychodynamic self-discovery. Even educational self-discovery deals with personal issues, it is not personal therapy. The student is not a patient, but a future colleague and a future psychotherapist. If during the educational self-discovery the student and/or his trainer find out that there are many personal unsolved issues, then the student should go into personal therapy. This further means that a personal therapy cannot be counted as an educational self-experience.
Supervision is an essential component of Positive Psychotherapy, encompassing both individual and group formats. In PPT, supervision goes beyond simply understanding the therapeutic situation and aims to develop the supervisee’s skills and capabilities based on their own needs and those of their patients. Group supervision is common in PPT, as the structured process lends itself well to practical benefits and a didactic effect. The most frequent format involves focusing on one case during a session with one supervisee, with the rest of the group acting as participants, including the supervisor. This approach allows the supervisor to engage the other participants as co-supervisors, enriching the supervisee’s perspective on the case with additional viewpoints and diverse perspectives from the entire group.
PPT Certification
After successful completion of each PPT course the participant receives a certificate issued by the World Association for Positive and Transcultural Psychotherapy (WAPP), signed by the main trainer of the course and the President of the Association. WAPP certifies trainers of Positive Psychotherapy. Only trainers who are accredited trainers of WAPP are permitted to sign and hand out official WAPP certificates.
Training Standards
WAPP has developed universal Training Standards for the postgraduate trainings in Positive Psychotherapy. These standards are obligatory for everyone. The standards may differ in some countries. But the WAPP defined standards are the minimum requirements, which need to be fulfilled.
Trainer Education
WAPP trains and certifies trainers for Basic and Master Courses (p.26):
Basic Course Trainer for Positive Psychotherapy
Master Course Trainer for Positive Psychotherapy
Certified Positive Psychotherapists who would like to become trainers for PPT themselves can participate in a training programme for trainers including an examination and the accompaniment of a complete course as a candidate-trainer.
International Gatherings and Training Projects
The World Association for Positive Psychotherapy organises regular national and international gatherings, e.g., conferences, trainer seminars and world congresses. Since the year 2000, annual International Training Seminars and since 1997 seven World Congresses have taken place.
Development and International Network
The main emphasis of positive psychotherapy during the past 40 years has been treatment, training and publication.
In 1979, the Wiesbaden Postgraduate Training Institute for Psychotherapy and Family Therapy was established as a postgraduate training for physicians in Wiesbaden, Germany. In 1999, the Wiesbaden Academy for Psychotherapy (WIAP), a state-licensed, postgraduate psychotherapy academy with a large outpatient clinic, was established for the training of psychologists and educational scientists.
The international head office is based in Wiesbaden, Germany. Positive psychotherapy is represented internationally by the World Association of Positive and Transcultural Psychotherapy (WAPP). Its international governing board of directors is elected every two years. There are national and regional associations in some ten countries.
PPT and its therapists have been engaged in the international development of psychotherapy, and are active members of international and continental associations.
Research
Research Advances and Applications
The first publications in the area of PPT date back to 1974. Since then, this method has been presented in numerous books, scientific works, and other publications. PPT fulfils the four principles postulated by Grawe for the effectiveness of psychotherapy:
Activation of resources;
Actualisation;
Management of problems; and
Therapeutic clarification.
A study on the effectiveness and quality assurance of Positive Psychotherapy was conducted between 1994 and 1997 by 32 members of the German Association for Positive Psychotherapy under the guidance of Nossrat Peseschkian, Karin Tritt, and Birgit Werner. The study aimed to substantiate the claim that PPT is a classical, integrative form of therapy (p.9) based on Grawe’s model. It was conducted under controlled conditions and was the first of its kind and the results show PPT short-term method to be effective.
The longitudinal effectiveness study conducted by the German Association for Positive Psychotherapy examined the efficacy of PPT in daily clinical practice. A total of 402 patients with various mental health disorders were treated by 22 therapists trained in PPT, including physicians, psychologists, and teachers. The patients were compared to a control group of 771 individuals on a waiting list for therapy due to somatic illnesses. The percentages represent the proportion of patients with different types of disorders: 23.6% had depressive disorders, 19.8% had anxiety and panic disorders, 21.2% had somatoform disorders, 20.5% had adjustment disorders, 8.2% had personality disorders, 3.4% had addictions, and 3.4% were newly diagnosed with somatic disorders. The study employed a battery of psychometric tests, including SCL-90R, VEV, Gießen-Test, WIPPF, IPC, IIP-D, GAS, and BIKEB, to measure the effectiveness of PPT. The study also included a retrospective interrogation of patients after the termination of PPT at intervals of 3 months to 5 years in three groups of 84, 91, and 46 patients. The study found positive results in terms of the effectiveness of PPT in treating various mental health disorders. This means that the positive effects of PPT were maintained even after a significant amount of time had passed since the end of therapy. The study also found that patients treated with PPT reported a significant improvement in their quality of life, as measured by the Gießen-Test (p ≤ 0.005), and in their interpersonal relationships, as measured by the Interpersonal Check List (IPC) and Inventory of Interpersonal Problems (IIP-D) (p ≤ 0.005). In addition, patients treated with PPT showed a significant increase in their coping ability, as measured by the Coping Capacity Scale (BIKEB) (p ≤ 0.005). Overall, the study demonstrated that PPT is an effective form of therapy for a range of mental health disorders, and that its positive effects can be maintained over time (p ≥ 0.05; VEV: F = 1179; SCL-90-R: F = 2473)[107]
During the discussion, the researchers explored the dilemma of choosing between an experimental design that prioritises internal validity versus one conducted under controlled conditions to achieve high external validity. They acknowledged the unfortunate lack of effectiveness studies and highlighted that the experimental design employed in this study could be viewed as a significant strength. The computer-assisted quality assurance study on Positive Psychotherapy (PPT) received the Richard Merten Prize in 1997, which is one of the most prestigious prizes in the healthcare sector in Europe. The prize has been awarded by the trustees since 1992 with the aim of recognising exceptional work that contributes to the improvement of medical, pharmaceutical, or nursing treatment and represents a noteworthy advancement in medical, social, sociopolitical, or economic progress within the healthcare industry.
Academic Works
The widespread applicability and cultural suitability of PPT are attributed to the numerous colleagues who are motivated and supported to conduct scientific research. Furthermore, many practitioners who have been exposed to PPT find their interest in publishing rekindled since they are no longer bound by the limitations and requirements of a particular school. There is evidence that around 5 postdoctoral dissertations and nearly twenty doctoral dissertations have been published on PPT, mainly from Germany, Russia, Bulgaria, and Ukraine. Additionally, approximately 50 bachelor’s and master’s theses have been written on the subject.
Most of the research on PPT has centred on its applications in psychosomatic, medical, psychiatric, psychological, and pedagogical fields. This focus provides a glimpse into the potential areas of future scientific inquiry. A review of the topics covered in these academic works indicates that PPT has a wide range of clinical and non-clinical applications, with particular attention given to certain models.
In addition to research on psychosomatics in different organ systems, there are also comparative and transcultural studies. These studies have focused on the unique aspects of the therapeutic relationship and how it can be applied to educational contexts. Some of the research has been conducted within the social-pedagogical framework, highlighting the potential applications and possibilities of “Positive Pedagogy.”
Publications
Publications on positive psychotherapy consist of the wide-ranging source material written by its founder and of the work of his students. These scholarly publications have been joined by works of popular science that have appeared in diverse periodicals and do not appear in lists of scientific literature. Peseschkian wrote 29 books that have been translated into as many as 23 languages. The most widespread book is Oriental Stories as Tools in Positive Psychotherapy: The Merchant and the Parrot. Other core books are Psychotherapy of Everyday Life, Positive Psychotherapy, Positive Family Therapy, and Positive Psychotherapy in Psychosomatic Medicine. In his final years, Peseschkian published a number of self-help books dedicated to various areas of life.
Starting with the founding of the German Journal of Positive Psychotherapy in 1977, colleagues in PPT have been encouraged to publish the results of their research and share their cases. Additionally, the source publications of Peseschkian began to accrue secondary publications beginning in the 1990s. As new national associations for positive psychotherapy have been formed in various countries during the last 20 years, journals of PPT have been founded in Russia, Ukraine, Bulgaria, and Romania.
List of some of the main PPT publications are:
Peseschkian, Nossrat (1987). Positive Psychotherapy – Theory and Practice of a New Method. Berlin: Springer-Verlag. ISBN 978-0-387-15794-8. (translated) (first German edition 1977)
Peseschkian, Nossrat (2016). Oriental Stories as Techniques in Positive Psychotherapy. Bloomington, USA: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1524660871. (first German edition 1977)
Peseschkian, Nossrat (2016). In Search of Meaning: Positive Psychotherapy Step by Step. Bloomington, USA: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1524631611. (first German edition 1983)
Peseschkian, Nossrat (2016). Positive Family Therapy: Positive Psychotherapy Manual for Therapists and Families. Bloomington, USA: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1524662042. (first German edition 1980)
Peseschkian, Nossrat (2016). Positive Psychosomatics: Clinical Manual of Positive Psychotherapy. Bloomington, USA: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1524636616.
Peseschkian, Nossrat (2016). Positive Psychotherapy of Everyday Life: A Self-Help Guide for Individuals, Couples and Families with 250 Case Stories. Bloomington, USA: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1524631437.(first German edition 1974)
The Global Psychotherapist (JGP) is a digital journal that focuses on positive psychotherapy, following the principles established by Peseschkian since 1977. It serves as an interdisciplinary platform for publishing articles related to the practice and utilization of the humanistic-psychodynamic approach of positive and transcultural psychotherapy. The journal operates on a semi-annual basis, releasing issues in January and July. Articles submitted to JGP undergo a rigorous double-blind peer review process to ensure the quality and integrity of the publication. The journal accepts articles in English, Russian and Ukrainian languages.
ISSN: 2710-1460 (online)
DOI: 10.52982/197700
The Global Psychotherapist adheres to an open access policy that promotes the free dissemination of scientific information and encourages global knowledge exchange, with the ultimate aim of fostering social progress. The journal firmly believes in providing unrestricted access to its content to benefit the wider community. Authors have the freedom to choose the license under which their work is published, while retaining full rights to their content.
Furthermore, the editorial policy of the journal allows authors to deposit any version of their published articles in a repository of their choosing, whether it be an institutional repository or any other suitable platform, without any embargo period. This ensures that the research output remains accessible and readily available for the benefit of the scholarly community.
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In psychology, certain seemingly-maladaptive human behaviours superficially appear to be attempts to confirm one’s own self views (i.e. self-esteem, self-concept, or self-knowledge), even when this self-view is negative or inaccurate. Raison oblige theory (ROT) instead explains these behaviours as consequences of a rational obligation to accept information only inasmuch as it concurs with one’s current self-views.
Developed by Aiden P. Gregg (2006), the theory seeks to supplant William Swann (1983)’s self-verification theory (SVT), which takes the observed behaviours at face value. Both theories provide viable accounts of observed evidence. However, what SVT identifies as confirmation-attempts, raison oblige theory instead considers attempts to accurately and honestly convey one’s self-views to others.
Empirical Phenomena
ROT analyses what is conventionally considered self-verifying behaviour: any action which ultimately coincides with and reinforces existing self-views. Thus a person with positive self-views attempts to seek positive information, which verifies their own positivity. Likewise, people with negative self-views, including those diagnosed with depression, show a preference for negative information.
The latter case has been observed in a wide variety of contexts, including (feigned) psychological studies, romantic partnerships, college roommates, and social groups. More generally, a preference for people who share one’s self view and avoidance of those who do not has been empirically replicated many times (e.g. Swann et al. 1992;Gregg 2007).
A number of conditions appear to influence the likelihood of engaging in self-verification: the importance (Swann & Pelham 2002), extremity, and certainty[10] of a self-view, as well as a perceived threat to identity (Swann et al., 2002), the intelligence of an evaluator, or the importance of the interactional partner (Swann, De La Ronde & Hixon 1994).
Origins
This collective evidence discussed above is often interpreted self-verificatory motive (e.g. Giesler et al., 1996). However, as Gregg (2007) pointed out, the evidence is hardly conclusive. Just because the actions appear to be self-confirmation does not mean that they are in fact motivated so. Similarly, self-defeating behaviour such as drug abuse does not certify a motive to self-defeat.
These philosophical difficulties are often explained away with the concept of affect: a person wants to act according to their best interests, but they also seek immediate relief from negative affect. Gregg (2007) argues that these epicycles make the theory unparsimonious.
Underlying Assumptions
Gregg (2007) argues that psychologists too often overlook rational cognition, when seeking to explain behaviours they observe. Given the traditional emphasis on self-enhancement, self-improvement and self-assessment motives, the naïve student might assume the effects of rationality small. But “rationality is pervasive and motives merely qualify it” (Gregg 2007).
In support, Gregg notes that, in the absence of rationality, we likely would not adhere to self-views at all. Instead, people would choose a self-view they liked, and behave accordingly. Grandiose delusions would dominate self-assessment, and analogous pathologies dominate self-enhancement and self-improvement.
But those behaviours are not observed. Instead, every healthy person is aware of reality and adheres to an unspoken set of rules of reason permitting them to act consistently with the physical world around them.
Consequently, Gregg argues that a psychologist’s first explanation for observed behaviour ought be some form of rational cognition. Until this supposition is shown false, and the only question left is to justify or interpret why the act is rational. Raison oblige theory extends this binding to self-view as well.
Hypothetical Situation
Consider the choice between interaction with person (A), who shares my self-views, and person (B), who does not. Empirical evidence suggests that I would opt for person A.
ROT explains this choice in terms of whether I can earnestly believe the information so gained to be a true representation of myself. Despite the desire for positive information to be true, I will ignore it if I cannot subjectively believe it.
Importantly, this “bubbling” behaviour does not demonstrate a motivational need to do so (Gregg 2007).
Common Pathological States
Self-Esteem
Self-esteem has a very strong influence on a person’s self-view. A person with high self-esteem is more likely to have a positive self-view, whereas a person with low self-esteem is more likely to have a negative self-view. Many studies that seemingly provide evidence for a self-verifying motive use self-esteem as an independent variable to demonstrate that people confirm a self-view that corresponds to their level of self-esteem.
However, one can argue that this behavioural evidence is circumstantial and that the correlation does not demonstrate motivation.
If a person with low self-esteem confirmed a self-view congruent to that of low self-esteem, it does not necessarily provide evidence for motivation to confirm a self-view.
ROT claims that people are aware of their self-views and believe them to be accurate. As a result, they answer questionnaires honestly, and report their self-views as they truly see them due to an obligation to reason.
People may not want self-verifying information to be true of them and may want others to view them positively rather than negatively.
Further research needs to be undertaken to fully investigate the relationship between self views and self-esteem. (see. Gregg, 2007)
Do people with low self-esteem want critical feedback to be true; are they motivated?
Do people with low self-esteem actually want their self view to be accurate, or would they prefer a more positive self view?
ROT predicts that people with low self-esteem are bound by reason to confirm their existing self view but that they do not necessarily like it (Gregg & De Waal-Andrews, 2007). If a motivation to self-verify were present then people with low self-esteem would not care about what their self-view was, they would instead focus on actively trying to confirm it.
Depression
Depression is accompanied by very low self-esteem and has therefore been a topic of strong interest for those investigating self verifying behaviours. Depression is always accompanied by low self-esteem but having low self-esteem does not necessarily mean you are depressed.
It argued that those suffering with depression, or with generally low negative self-views, will actively seek negative feedback in order to confirm their self-view; they find it more favourable. Giesler et al. (1996) tested this prediction by classifying participants into three separate groups; high self-esteem, low self-esteem and depressed individuals. When offered a choice of positive or negative feedback, depressed individuals chose to receive negative feedback 82% of the time, suggesting a strong desire to negatively re-affirm their self view. The seeking of negative feedback in order to self-verify has thus been argued to maintain a depressive state.
ROT challenges this interpretation and suggests that the observed behaviour and maintenance of depressive state is caused by an obligation to confirm a depressive self-concept. This particular study, and many others like it can be reinterpreted using ROT. The choice of negative feedback reflects the obligation to choose information consistent with an honestly held self view.
Correlations do not equal causation; The evidence for SVT assumptions of motivation drawn from studies on depression could be circumstantial and therefore do not provide explicit proof of a motive to self-verify.
Depression, Motivation and Desire
Motivation is interlinked with desire. I am hungry therefore I am motivated to eat food; I want to eat.
In SVT studies of depressed persons they are asked whether they would like to receive favourable or unfavourable feedback on their personality. In concurrence with SVT and ROT predictions they chose the unfavourable feedback due to a negative self-view. These studies demonstrate that self-enhancement striving has been overridden by a separate cognitive process.
If a person with high self-esteem confirms their self-view this may not be self-verification as this is more likely to be due to the self-enhancement motive. Therefore, SVT and ROT studies tend to focus on depressive participants who’s verification of negative information can not be attributed to self-enhancement.
However, Recent findings show that people with depression and high self-esteem both want to receive favourable feedback more than critical feedback.
This suggests that people do not want to receive feedback that confirms their self-view. A lack of desire implies that motivation is not responsible for self-verification.
Gregg & De Waal-Andrews (2007) also show that the lower a participant’s self-esteem, the less they anticipated liking critical feedback, and the less keen they were for it to be true, supporting ROT predictions.
Relationships
One example that is well explained by Raison Oblige Theory is why people stay in abusive relationships. According to Rusbult and Martz (1995) more than 40% of women who seek help from a shelter when being abused by their partner then return to living with their partner and remain in the abusive relationship.
Self-verification theory would explain this by the abused partner’s need to self-verify that the way they are being treated is deserved, in order to establish an accurate self-concept (Swann & Ely, 1984).
However the alternative explanation from Raison Oblige Theory is that an abused individual will rationalise the situation they are in and come to the conclusion that they themselves are in some way causing the abuse. This leads to the honest belief that they deserve the abuse and causes feelings of worthlessness. This results in the abused individual remaining loyal to their partner and failing to seek help, as they believe the abuse is their fault and that they need to improve in some way in order that the abuse will stop. Raison Oblige Theory also explains that the abused partner feels that they will gain no benefit from leaving an abusive relationship, as they see the abuse as their fault. This also explains why the abused individual may defend their partner should anyone outside the relationship become aware of the abuse.
Evidence
Motivation and Affect
Behaviour does not always reflect motivation:
We do things we do not want to do but are obliged to do (e.g. giving up leisure time to do work)
We voluntarily refrain from doing things that we want to do (e.g. making up qualifications to secure a job we want)
These examples demonstrate that behaviour does not always reflect motivation. However, they do demonstrate a cognitive overruling of desire/motive.
Motivation incurs negative affect when conditions are not met; I want to improve, I fail; I feel bad.
Striving to self verify should have an influence on affect.
A person with a negative self view should therefore be less disturbed by critical feedback than a person with high self-esteem.
Depressed:
Critical feedback negatively influences their self enhancing motive but bolsters their self verification motive.
High self-esteem:
Critical feedback negatively influences their self enhancing motive(ego) and their self verification motive.
High self-esteemed people should be more emotionally disturbed by critical feedback than depressed people. However, this is not the case (Jones, 1975; Taylor & Brown, 1988).
Obligation to Ratiocinate
Day to day examples of obligation to reason; Grandiose delusions are rare.
We accept new self views after a change in appearance or capabilities; we rationalise changes and challenges.
People are reasonable in thought, without reason grandiose delusions would have prevented the existence of our species; I can’t be killed; I can fight this mammoth alone; I can attack this man without consequence; I am the best person in the world.
The Effect of Rationality on Motivation
Self-assessment is bound to rational perception;
I believe what is subjectively possible.
Assessment is based on accurate perception, not subjective desire: Grandiose delusions are rare.
Self-enhancement is bound to rational perception;
The above-average effect is bound to the limits of subjective plausibility (Gregg, 2007).
specific compared traits succumb to the effect much less because people are aware of their ability compared to others. Commonly held traits can be exaggerated due to a larger latitude of comparison.
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Identity negotiation refers to the processes through which people reach agreements regarding “who is who” in their relationships.
Once these agreements are reached, people are expected to remain faithful to the identities they have agreed to assume. The process of identity negotiation thus establishes what people can expect of one another. Identity negotiation thus provides the interpersonal “glue” that holds relationships together.
The idea that identities are negotiated originated in the sociological literature during the middle of the 20th century. A leading figure in this movement was Goffman (1959, 1961), who asserted that the first order of business in social interaction is establishing a “working consensus” or agreement regarding the roles each person will assume in the interaction. Weinstein and Deutschberger (1964), and later McCall and Simmons (1966), built on this work by elaborating the interpersonal processes that unfold after interaction partners reach an initial working consensus. Within psychology, these ideas were elaborated by Secord and Backman (1965) and Schlenker (1985). The actual phrase “identity negotiation” was introduced by Swann (1987), who emphasized the tension between two competing processes in social interaction, behavioural confirmation and self-verification. Behavioural confirmation occurs when one person (the “perceiver”) encourages another person (the “target”) to behave in ways that confirm the expectancies of the perceiver (e.g. Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1968; Snyder & Klein, 2005; Snyder, Tanke, & Berscheid, 1977). Self-verification occurs when the “target” persuades the “perceiver” to behave in a manner that verifies the target’s firmly held self-views or identities (Swann, 1983; 1996).
Psychological View
When the expectancies of perceivers clash with the self-views of targets, a “battle of wills” may occur (Swann & Ely, 1984). Such “battles” can range from short-lived, mild disagreements that are quickly and easily solved to highly pitched confrontations that are combative and contentious. On such occasions, the identity negotiation process represents the means through which these conflicting tendencies are reconciled.
More often than not, the identity negotiation process seems to favour self-verification, which means that people tend to develop expectancies that are congruent with the self-views of target persons (e.g. Major, Cozzarelli, Testa, & McFarlin, 1988); McNulty & Swann, 1994; Swann, Milton, & Polzer, 2000; Swann & Ely, 1984). Such congruence is personally adaptive for targets because it allows them to maintain stable identities and having stable identities is generally adaptive. That is, stable identities not only tell people how to behave, they also afford people with a sense of psychological coherence that reinforces their conviction that they know what to do and the consequences of doing it.
Groups also benefit when there is congruence among group members. When people maintain stable images of themselves, other members of the organisation can count on them to “be” the same person day in and day out and the identity negotiation process can unfold automatically. This may free people to devote their conscious attention to the work at hand, which may explain why researchers have found that groups characterised by high levels of congruence perform better (Swann et al., 2000). Also, just as demographic diversity tends to undermine group performance when congruence is low, diversity improves performance when congruence is high (Polzer, Milton, & Swann, 2003; Swann, Polzer, Seyle, & Ko, 2004).
Some instances of incongruence in relationships are inevitable. Sudden or unanticipated changes of status or role of one person, or even the introduction of a novel person into a group, may produce discrepancies between people’s self-views and the expectancies of others. In work settings, promotions can foment expectancy violations (cf, Burgoon, 1978) if some members of the organisation refuse to update their appraisals of the recently promoted person. When incongruence occurs, it will disturb the normal flow of social interaction. Instead of going about their routine tasks, interaction partners will be compelled to shift their conscious attention to the task of accommodating the identity change that is the source of the disruption. Frequent or difficult-to-resolve disruptions could be damaging to the quality of social interactions and ultimately interfere with relationship quality, satisfaction and productivity.
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Self-verification is a social psychological theory that asserts people want to be known and understood by others according to their firmly held beliefs and feelings about themselves, that is self-views (including self-concepts and self-esteem). It is one of the motives that drive self-evaluation, along with self-enhancement and self-assessment.
Because chronic self-concepts and self-esteem play an important role in understanding the world, providing a sense of coherence, and guiding action, people become motivated to maintain them through self-verification. Such strivings provide stability to people’s lives, making their experiences more coherent, orderly, and comprehensible than they would be otherwise. Self-verification processes are also adaptive for groups, groups of diverse backgrounds, and the larger society, in that they make people predictable to one another thus serve to facilitate social interaction. To this end, people engage in a variety of activities that are designed to obtain self-verifying information.
Developed by William Swann (1981), the theory grew out of earlier writings which held that people form self-views so that they can understand and predict the responses of others and know how to act toward them.
Difference between Positive and Negative Self-Views
There are individual differences in people’s views of themselves. Among people with positive self-views, the desire for self-verification works together with another important motive, the desire for positive evaluations or “self enhancement”. For example, those who view themselves as “insightful” will find that their motives for both self-verification and self-enhancement encourage them to seek evidence that other people recognise their insightfulness.
In contrast, people with negative self-views will find that the desire for self-verification and self-enhancement are competing. Consider people who see themselves as disorganised. Whereas their desire for self-enhancement will compel them to seek evidence that others perceive them as organized, their desire for self-verification will compel such individuals to seek evidence that others perceive them as disorganised. Self-verification strivings tend to prevail over self-enhancement strivings when people are certain of the self-concept and when they have extremely depressive self-views.
Self-verification strivings may have undesirable consequences for people with negative self-views (depressed people and those who suffer from low self-esteem). For example, self-verification strivings may cause people with negative self-views to gravitate toward partners who mistreat them, undermine their feelings of self-worth, or even abuse them. And if people with negative self-views seek therapy, returning home to a self-verifying partner may undo the progress that was made there. Finally, in the workplace, the feelings of worthlessness that plague people with low self-esteem may foster feelings of ambivalence about receiving fair treatment, feelings that may undercut their propensity to insist that they get what they deserve from their employers (see: workplace bullying).
These findings and related ones point to the importance of efforts to improve the self-views of those who suffer from low self-esteem and depression.
Effects on Behaviour
In one series of studies, researchers asked participants with positive and negative self-views whether they would prefer to interact with evaluators who had favourable or unfavourable impressions of them. The results showed that those with positive self-views preferred favourable partners and those with negative self-views preferred unfavourable partners. The latter finding revealed that self-verification strivings may sometimes trump positivity strivings.
Self-verification motives operate for different dimensions of the self-concept and in many different situations. Men and women are equally inclined to display this tendency, and it does not matter whether the self-views refer to characteristics that are relatively immutable (e.g. intelligence) or changeable (e.g. diligence), or whether the self-views happen to be highly specific (e.g. athletic) or global (e.g. low self-esteem, worthlessness). Furthermore, when people chose negative partners over positive ones, it is not merely in an effort to avoid interacting with positive evaluators (that is, out of a concern that they might disappoint such positive evaluators). Rather, people chose self-verifying, negative partners even when the alternative is participating in a different experiment. Finally, recent work has shown that people work to verify self-views associated with group memberships. For example, women seek evaluations that confirm their belief that they possess qualities associated with being a woman.
Self-verification theory suggests that people may begin to shape others’ evaluations of them before they even begin interacting with them. They may, for example, display identity cues. The most effective identity cues enable people to signal who they are to potential interaction partners.
Physical appearance, such as clothes, body posture, demeanour. For example, the low self-esteem person who evokes reactions that confirm her negative self-views by slumping her shoulders and keeping her eyes fixed on the ground.
Other cues, such as the car someone buys, the house they live in, the way they decorate their living environment. For example, an SUV evokes reactions that confirm a person’s positive self-view.
Self-verification strivings may also influence the social contexts that people enter into and remain in. People reject those who provide social feedback that does not confirm their self-views, such as married people with negative self-views who reject spouses who see them positively and vice versa. College roommates behave in a similar manner. People are more inclined to divorce partners who perceived them too favourably. In each of these instances, people gravitated toward relationships that provided them with evaluations that confirmed their self-views and fled from those that did not.
When people fail to gain self-verifying reactions through the display of identity cue or through choosing self-verifying social environments, they may still acquire such evaluations by systematically evoking confirming reactions. For example, depressed people behave in negative ways toward their roommates, thus causing these roommates to reject them.
Self-verification theory predicts that when people interact with others, there is a general tendency for them to bring others to see them as they see themselves. This tendency is especially pronounced when they start out believing that the other person has misconstrued them, apparently because people compensate by working especially hard to bring others to confirm their self-views. People will even stop working on tasks to which they have been assigned if they sense that their performance is eliciting non-verifying feedback.
Role of Confirmation Bias
Self-verification theory predicts that people’s self-views will cause them to see the world as more supportive of these self-views than it really is. That is, individuals process information in a biased manner. These biases may be conscious and deliberate, but are probably more commonly done effortlessly and non-consciously. Through the creative use of these processes, people may dramatically increase their chances of attaining self-verification. There are at least three relevant aspects of information processing in self-verification:
Attention: People will attend to evaluations that are self-confirming while ignoring non-confirming evaluations.
Memory retrieval: self-views bias memory recall to favour self-confirming material over non-confirming elements.
Interpretation of information: people tend to interpret information in ways that reinforce their self-views.
These distinct forms of self-verification may often be implemented sequentially. For example, in one scenario, people may first strive to locate partners who verify one or more self-views. If this fails, they may redouble their efforts to elicit verification for the self-view in question or strive to elicit verification for a different self-view. Failing this, they may strive to “see” more self-verification than actually exists. And, if this strategy is also ineffective, they may withdraw from the relationship, either psychologically or in actuality.
Related Processes
Preference for Novelty
People seem to prefer modest levels of novelty; they want to experience phenomena that are unfamiliar enough to be interesting, but not so unfamiliar as to be frightening or too familiar as to be boring.
The implications of people’s preference for novelty for human relationships are not straightforward and obvious. Evidence that people desire novelty comes primarily from studies of people’s reactions to art objects and the like. This is different when it concerns human beings and social relationships because people can shift attention away from already familiar novel objects, while doing so in human relationships is difficult or not possible. But novel art objects are very different from people. If a piece of art becomes overly stimulating, we can simply shift our attention elsewhere. This is not a viable option should our spouse suddenly begin treating us as if we were someone else, for such treatment would pose serious questions about the integrity of people’s belief systems. Consequently, people probably balance competing desires for predictability and novelty by indulging the desire for novelty within contexts in which surprises are not threatening (e.g. leisure activities), while seeking coherence and predictability in contexts in which surprises could be costly—such as in the context of enduring relationships.
Tension with Self-Enhancement
People’s self-verification strivings are apt to be most influential when the relevant identities and behaviours matter to them. Thus, for example, the self-view should be firmly held, the relationship should be enduring, and the behaviour itself should be consequential. When these conditions are not met, people will be relatively unconcerned with preserving their self-views and they will instead indulge their desire for self-enhancement. In addition, self-reported emotional reactions favour self-enhancement while more thoughtful processes favour self-verification.
But if people with firmly held negative self-views seek self-verification, this does not mean that they are masochistic or have no desire to be loved. In fact, even people with very low self-esteem want to be loved. What sets people with negative self-views apart is their ambivalence about the evaluations they receive. Just as positive evaluations foster joy and warmth initially, these feelings are later chilled by incredulity. And although negative evaluations may foster sadness that the “truth” could not be kinder, it will at least reassure them that they know themselves. Happily, people with negative self-views are the exception rather than the rule. That is, on the balance, most people tend to view themselves positively. Although this imbalance is adaptive for society at large, it poses a challenge to researchers interested in studying self-verification. That is, for theorists interested in determining if behaviour is driven by self-verification or positivity strivings, participants with positive self-views will reveal nothing because both motives compel them to seek positive evaluations. If researchers want to learn if people prefer verification or positivity in a giving setting, they must study people with negative self-views.
Self-Concept Change
Although self-verification strivings tend to stabilize people’s self-views, changes in self-views may still occur. Probably the most common source of change is set in motion when the social environment recognises a significant change in a person’s age (e.g. when adolescents become adults), status (e.g. when students become teachers), or social role (e.g. when someone is convicted of a crime). Suddenly, the community may change the way that it treats the person. Eventually the target of such treatment will bring his or her self-view into accord with the new treatment.
Alternatively, people may themselves conclude that a given self-view is dysfunctional or obsolete and take steps to change it. Consider, for example, a woman who decides that her negative self-views have led her to tolerate abusive relationship partners. When she realizes that such partners are making her miserable, she may seek therapy. In the hands of a skilled therapist, she may develop more favourable self-views which, in turn, steer her toward more positive relationship partners with whom she may cultivate healthier relationships. Alternatively, when a woman who is uncertain about her negative self-concept enters a relationship with a partner who is certain that she deserves to view herself more positively, that woman will tend to improve the self-concept.
Criticism
Critics have argued that self-verification processes are relatively rare, manifesting themselves only among people with terribly negative self views. In support of this viewpoint, critics cite hundreds of studies indicating that people prefer, seek and value positive evaluations more than negative ones. Such sceptical assessments overlook three important points. First, because most people have relatively positive self-views, evidence of a preference for positive evaluations in unselected samples may in reality reflect a preference for evaluations that are self-verifying, because for such individuals self-verification and positivity strivings are indistinguishable. No number of studies of participants with positive self-views can determine whether self-verification or self-enhancement strivings are more common. Second, self-verification strivings are not limited to people with globally negative self-views; even people with high self-esteem seek negative evaluations about their flaws. Finally, even people with positive self-views appear to be uncomfortable with overly positive evaluations. For example, people with moderately positive self-views withdraw from spouses who evaluate them in an exceptionally positive manner.
Other critics have suggested that when people with negative self-views seek unfavourable evaluations, they do so as a means of avoiding truly negative evaluations or for purposes of self-improvement, with the idea being that this will enable them to obtain positive evaluations down the road. Tests of this idea have failed to support it. For example, just as people with negative self-views choose self-verifying, negative evaluators even when the alternative is being in another experiment, they choose to be in another experiment rather than interact with someone who evaluates them positively. Also, people with negative self-views are most intimate with spouses who evaluate them negatively, despite the fact that these spouses are relatively unlikely to enable them to improve themselves. Finally, in a study of people’s thought processes as they chose interaction partners, people with negative self-views indicated that they chose negative evaluators because such partners seemed likely to confirm their self-views (an epistemic consideration) and interact smoothly with them (a pragmatic consideration); self-improvement was rarely mentioned.
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Aversion to happiness, also called fear of happiness, is an attitude towards happiness in which individuals may deliberately avoid experiences that invoke positive emotions or happiness. Aversion to happiness is not a recognised mental health disorder on its own, but it can contribute to and/or exacerbate existing mental health issues.
Mohsen Joshanloo and Dan Weijers identify four reasons for an aversion to happiness:
A belief that happiness will cause bad things to happen
That happiness will cause you to become a bad person
That expressing happiness is somehow bad for you and others
That pursuing happiness is bad for you and others.
For example, “some people—in Western and Eastern cultures—are wary of happiness because they believe that bad things, such as unhappiness, suffering, and death, tend to happen to happy people.” Empirical studies show that fear of happiness is associated with fragility of happiness beliefs, suggesting that one of the causes of aversion to happiness may be the belief that happiness is unstable and fragile. Research shows that fear of happiness is associated with avoidant and anxious attachment styles. A study found that perfectionistic tendencies, loneliness, a childhood perceived as unhappy, belief in paranormal phenomena, and holding a collectivistic understanding of happiness are positively associated with aversion to happiness.
Cultural Factors
One of several reasons why fear of happiness may develop is the belief that when one becomes happy, a negative event will soon occur that will taint that happiness, as if punishing that individual for satisfaction. This belief is thought to be more prevalent in non-Western cultures. In Western cultures, such as American culture, “it is almost taken for granted that happiness is one of the most important values guiding people’s lives”. Western cultures are more driven by an urge to maximise happiness and to minimize sadness. Failing to appear happy often gives cause for concern. The value placed on happiness echoes through Western positive psychology and through research on subjective well-being.
These findings “call into question the notion that happiness is the ultimate goal, a belief echoed in any number of articles and self-help publications about whether certain choices are likely to make you happy”. Also, “in cultures that believe worldly happiness to be associated with sin, shallowness, and moral decline will actually feel less satisfied when their lives are (by other standards) going well”, so measures of personal happiness cannot simply be considered a yardstick for satisfaction with one’s life, and attitudes such as aversion to happiness have important implications for measuring happiness across cultures and ranking nations on happiness scores.
Aversion to happiness can be thought of as a specific example of ideal affect (described by affect valuation theory), whereby cultures vary in the extent to which they value the experience of different emotions.
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Subjective vitality refers to a positive feeling of aliveness and energy.
Outline
It is often used instead of measures of subjective well-being in studies of eudaimonia and psychological well-being.
It is also a better predictor of physical health when assessed by a doctor than subjective well-being.
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Role suction is a term introduced in the United States by Fritz Redl in the mid-20th century to describe the power of a social group to allocate roles to its members.
W.R. Bion’s group dynamics further explored the ways whereby the group (unconsciously) allocates particular functions to particular individuals in order to have its covert emotional needs met; and the process has recently been highlighted anew within the systems-centred therapy of Yvonne Agazarian.
Among regularly occurring group roles are those of the scapegoat for the group’s troubles; the joker; the peacemaker; the critic/spokesperson for group standards; the idol, or upholder of the group ideal; and the identified patient. In mixed gender groups, women may be disproportionately pressured by role suction into playing a nurturing/peacemaker role.
Driving Forces
The ease whereby people pick out those who play complementary games, and the psychological splitting of good and bad help fuel such role differentiation.
Behind role suction, such forces as projective identification and countertransference have been singled out as operating at an unconscious level in the group.
Role lock – confirming mutual suction into complementary roles, such as victim and abuser – is ensured by the intermeshing of projective identifications.
Wider Systems
The British anti-psychiatrists explored the theme of group suction in connection with role attribution in the family nexus, as well as with the allocations of roles in the wider social system, David Cooper suggesting that “there are always good or bad, loved or hated ‘mothers’ and ‘fathers’, older or younger ‘brothers’ and ‘sisters’…in any institutional structure”.
A wider variety of roles can however be found in organisational life, the person-in-role acting as a container for the (unconscious) group forces.
Role of the Therapist
Bion has described his experience as a group therapist when he:
“feels he is being manipulated so as to be playing a part, no matter how difficult to recognize, in somebody else’s phantasy…a temporary loss of insight, a sense of experiencing strong feelings, and at the same time a belief that their existence is quite adequately justified by the objective situation”.
Bion’s work has also been used to illustrate the part played by role suction in the selection of group leaders – dependent groups favouring narcissistic leaders, the fight/flight group paranoids.
R.D. Laing considered that a central part of the therapist’s job was “not to allow himself to collude with the patients in adopting a position in their phantasy-system: and, alternatively, not to use the patients to embody any phantasy of their own” – to resist role suction. Later therapists however have explored how a measure of adaptation to patients’ role suction – a degree of role responsiveness – can be a useful element in the therapeutic use of the countertransference
Criticism
From the point of view of systems centred therapy, the debate relates to the interface between a personal system and the psycho-dynamics of social systems themselves.
Debate has arisen about how far the group imposes roles, and how far the individual’s own personality goes to meet the group halfway. Earl Hopper has used the term personification to challenge Redl’s concept, suggesting instead that group roles reflect the underlying personality of the individual involved. However, Kibel objects that in many cases the roles imposed are in fact ego-dystonic; with others pointing to how personal tendencies combine with group expectations with varying degrees of fit.
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