What is the Society for the Experimental Analysis of Behaviour?

Introduction

The Society for the Experimental Analysis of Behaviour was founded in 1957 by a group of researchers in the field of behaviourism.

Background

It publishes the Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behaviour and the Journal of Applied Behaviour Analysis.

The Certificate of Incorporation (dated 29 October 1957) of the society states that:

The purpose and objects of this corporation shall be to encourage, foster, and promote the advancement of the science of experimental analysis of behavior; the promotion of research in the said science and the increase and diffusion of knowledge of the said science by the conduct of a program of education by meetings, conferences and symposia, and by the publication of journals, papers, periodicals and reports.

The Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behaviour was established to meet the needs of those who were attracted to the behaviour-analytic approach but were unhappy with the lack of a journal specialising in that rapidly growing area. As described on its inside front page ever since, the journal is “primarily for the original publication of experiments relevant to the behaviour of individual organisms.” It started as a quarterly in 1958 but has appeared bimonthly since 1964. The initial Board of Editors also served as the first Board of Directors of the society.

Journal

In 1968, the society established the Journal of Applied Behaviour Analysis for “the original publication of reports of experimental research involving applications of the experimental analysis of behaviour to problems of social importance.”

It appears quarterly.

What is the Association for Behaviour Analysis International?

Introduction

The Association for Behaviour Analysis International (ABAI) is a professional association of psychologists, educators, and practitioners whose scholarship and practice derive from the work of B.F. Skinner.

ABAI organises conferences in the US and abroad, publishes journals, and offers accreditation programs for behaviour analysis training programmes. As of March 2021, ABAI has 97 regional associate chapters both in the United States and abroad, many of which offer their own annual conferences. As of 2019, ABAI had over 9,000 members and membership in its affiliate chapters was greater than 28,000.

Refer to Clinical Behaviour Analysis, Applied Behaviour Analysis, and Licensed Behaviour Analyst.

Brief History

The Association for Behaviour Analysis International (ABAI) was founded in 1974 as the MidWestern Association for Behaviour Analysis (MABA) to serve as an interdisciplinary group of professionals, paraprofessionals, and students. Behaviour analysis was well-represented in the Midwest of the US, but many behaviour analysts were disappointed with the level of support their relatively new field received at the existing psychology conferences. Gerald Mertens and Israel Goldiamond organised the first two-day conference, which was held at the University of Chicago, and speakers included, Sidney Bijou, James Dinsmoor, Roger Ulrich and Goldiamond.

MABA’s first headquarters were located on the campus of Western Michigan University (WMU) in Kalamazoo, Michigan. By 1977, the annual conference was extended four days and included 550 events, and MABA had grown to 1,190 members from 42 states and five foreign countries.

In 1978, MABA began publishing its first journal, The Behaviour Analyst (renamed Perspectives in Behavioural Science in 2018), and in 1979, the organisation changed its name to the Association for Behaviour Analysis (ABA), subsequently adopting the name Association for Behaviour Analysis International (ABAI). In 2001, it sponsored its first international meeting in Venice, Italy.

Association for Behaviour Analysis (ABA) began offering APA credits for the first time in 1994, at their 20th Annual Convention in Atlanta, GA. While the BACB solidified itself in the field, ABA offered its first BACB credits in 2000 at their 26th Annual Convention in Washington, DC.

Activities

Conferences

ABAI organises conferences related to the theory and practice of behaviour analysis. In addition to the annual conference, which is held at a location in the US or Canada, every other year, ABAI hosts an international conference. The association also holds an annual autism conference and has hosted several single-track conferences on topics of special interest to behaviour analysts, such as theory and philosophy, climate change, behavioural economics, and education.

Many conference sessions offer approved continuing education credits (CEUs) for practitioners who wish to maintain their professional certification. Among the organisations that approve ABAI presentations for CEU credit are the American Psychological Association, the National Association of School Psychologists, and the Behaviour Analyst Certification Board.

Accreditation Programme

ABAI operates an accreditation programme for universities offering master’s and doctoral degrees in behaviour analysis. Degree programs that achieve ABAI accreditation meet the organization’s standards of training and will satisfy the Behaviour Analyst Certification Board requirements to achieve certification as a behaviour analyst.

Society for the Advancement of Behaviour Analysis

ABAI is supported by the Society for the Advancement of Behaviour Analysis (SABA), a 501(c)(3) organisation that accepts tax-exempt charitable contributions. SABA maintains a number of funds to support research in child development, international development, public awareness of behavioural science, and diversity, equity, and inclusion. SABA also provides grants to support student research, student travel to the annual ABAI conference, and graduate research focused on issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion.

Position Statements

As of 2021, ABAI had released six policy statements on: right to effective behavioural treatment (1989), student’s right to effective education (1990), facilitated communication (1995), restraint and seclusion (2010), sexual harassment (2019), and commitment to equity (2020).

Awards

SABA administers an awards programme at the annual convention of ABAI that recognises distinguished service to behaviour analysis, scientific translation, international dissemination of behaviour analysis, effective presentation of behaviour analysis in the mass media, and enduring programmatic contributions to behaviour analysis. Past recipients of the award for distinguished service to behaviour analysis include Sidney Bijou, James Dinsmoor, A. Charles Catania, Jack Michael and Murray Sidman.

Journals

The Association of Applied Behaviour Analysis International publishes six peer-reviewed journals.

  • Perspectives on Behaviour Science, is ABAI’s first journal, published from 1978-2017 as The Behaviour Analyst. It is a semiannual journal publishing articles on theoretical, experimental, and applied topics in behaviour analysis, including literature reviews, re-interpretations of published data, and articles on behaviourism as a philosophy.
  • The Analysis of Verbal Behaviour is a collection of experiments and theoretical papers regarding verbal behaviour and applied behaviour analysis.
  • Behaviour Analysis in Practice is a peer-reviewed journal that includes articles on how to efficiently practice applied behaviour analysis.
  • The Psychological Record includes articles concerning behavioural analysis, behavioural science, and behaviour theory. It was founded in 1937 by Jacob Robert Kantor. Its first experimental area editor was B.F. Skinner. After being published most recently at Southern Illinois University at Carbondale, the journal was adopted as an official publication of ABAI. The Psychological Record publishes empirical and conceptual articles related to the field of behaviour analysis, behaviour science, and behaviour theory.
  • Behaviour and Social Issues, is an interdisciplinary journal publishing articles analysing human social behaviour, particularly with regard to understanding and influencing significant social problems such as social justice, human rights, and sustainability.
  • Education and Treatment of Children.

What is True Self and False Self?

Introduction

True self (also known as real self, authentic self, original self and vulnerable self) and false self (also known as fake self, idealised self, superficial self and pseudo self) are psychological concepts, originally introduced into psychoanalysis in 1960 by Donald Winnicott.

Winnicott used true self to describe a sense of self based on spontaneous authentic experience and a feeling of being alive, having a real self. The false self, by contrast, Winnicott saw as a defensive façade, which in extreme cases could leave its holders lacking spontaneity and feeling dead and empty, behind a mere appearance of being real.

The concepts are often used in connection with narcissism.

Characteristics

Winnicott saw the true self as rooted from early infancy in the experience of being alive, including blood pumping and lungs breathing – what Winnicott called simply being. Out of this, the baby creates the experience of a sense of reality, a sense that life is worth living. The baby’s spontaneous, nonverbal gestures derive from that instinctual sense, and if responded to by the parents, become the basis for the continuing development of the true self.

However, when what Winnicott was careful to describe as good enough parenting – i.e., not necessarily perfect – was not in place, the infant’s spontaneity was in danger of being encroached on by the need for compliance with the parents’ wishes/expectations. The result for Winnicott could be the creation of what he called the false self, where “Other people’s expectations can become of overriding importance, overlaying or contradicting the original sense of self, the one connected to the very roots of one’s being”. The danger he saw was that “through this false self, the infant builds up a false set of relationships, and by means of introjections even attains a show of being real”, while, in fact, merely concealing a barren emptiness behind an independent-seeming façade.

The danger was particularly acute where the baby had to provide attunement for the mother/parents, rather than vice versa, building up a sort of dissociated recognition of the object on an impersonal, not personal and spontaneous basis. But while such a pathological false self stifled the spontaneous gestures of the true self in favour of a lifeless imitation, Winnicott nevertheless considered it of vital importance in preventing something worse: the annihilating experience of the exploitation of the hidden true self itself.

Precursors

There was much in psychoanalytic theory on which Winnicott could draw for his concept of the false self. Helene Deutsch had described the “as if” personalities, with their pseudo relationships substituting for real ones. Winnicott’s analyst, Joan Riviere, had explored the concept of the narcissist’s masquerade – superficial assent concealing a subtle hidden struggle for control. Freud’s own late theory of the ego as the product of identifications came close to viewing it only as a false self; while Winnicott’s true/false distinction has also been compared to Michael Balint’s “basic fault” and to Ronald Fairbairn’s notion of the “compromised ego”.

Erich Fromm, in his book The Fear of Freedom distinguished between original self and pseudo self – the inauthenticality of the latter being a way to escape the loneliness of freedom; while much earlier the existentialist like Kierkegaard had claimed that “to will to be that self which one truly is, is indeed the opposite of despair” – the despair of choosing “to be another than himself”.

Karen Horney, in her 1950 book, Neurosis and Human Growth, based her idea of “true self” and “false self” through the view of self-improvement, interpreting it as real self and ideal self, with the real self being what one currently is and the ideal self being what one could become.

Later Developments

The second half of the twentieth century has seen Winnicott’s ideas extended and applied in a variety of contexts, both in psychoanalysis and beyond.

Kohut

Heinz Kohut extended Winnicott’s work in his investigation of narcissism, seeing narcissists as evolving a defensive armour around their damaged inner selves. He considered it less pathological to identify with the damaged remnants of the self, than to achieve coherence through identification with an external personality at the cost of one’s own autonomous creativity.

Lowen

Alexander Lowen identified narcissists as having a true and a false, or superficial, self. The false self rests on the surface, as the self presented to the world. It stands in contrast to the true self, which resides behind the façade or image. This true self is the feeling self, but for the narcissist the feeling self must be hidden and denied. Since the superficial self represents submission and conformity, the inner or true self is rebellious and angry. This underlying rebellion and anger can never be fully suppressed since it is an expression of the life force in that person. But because of the denial, it cannot be expressed directly. Instead it shows up in the narcissist’s acting out. And it can become a perverse force.

Masterson

James F. Masterson argued that all the personality disorders crucially involve the conflict between a person’s two selves: the false self, which the very young child constructs to please the mother, and the true self. The psychotherapy of personality disorders is an attempt to put people back in touch with their real selves.

Symington

Neville Symington developed Winnicott’s contrast between true and false self to cover the sources of personal action, contrasting an autonomous and a discordant source of action – the latter drawn from the internalisation of external influences and pressures. Thus for example parental dreams of self-glorification by way of their child’s achievements can be internalised as an alien discordant source of action. Symington stressed however the intentional element in the individual’s abandoning the autonomous self in favour of a false self or narcissistic mask – something he considered Winnicott to have overlooked.

Vaknin

As part of what has been described as a personal mission to raise the profile of the condition, psychology professor (and self-confessed narcissist) Sam Vaknin has highlighted the role of the false self in narcissism. The false self replaces the narcissist’s true self and is intended to shield him from hurt and narcissistic injury by self-imputing omnipotence. The narcissist pretends that his false self is real and demands that others affirm this confabulation, meanwhile keeping his real imperfect true self under wraps.

For Vaknin, the false self is by far more important to the narcissist than his dilapidated, dysfunctional true self; and he does not subscribe to the view that the true self can be resuscitated through therapy.

Miller

Alice Miller cautiously warns that a child/patient may not have any formed true self, waiting behind the false self façade; and that as a result freeing the true self is not as simple as the Winnicottian image of the butterfly emerging from its cocoon. If a true self can be developed, however, she considered that the empty grandiosity of the false self could give way to a new sense of autonomous vitality.

Orbach (False Bodies)

Susie Orbach saw the false self as an overdevelopment (under parental pressure) of certain aspects of the self at the expense of other aspects – of the full potential of the self – producing thereby an abiding distrust of what emerges spontaneously from the individual himself or herself. Orbach went on to extend Winnicott’s account of how environmental failure can lead to an inner splitting of mind and body, so as to cover the idea of the false body – falsified sense of one’s own body. Orbach saw the female false body in particular as built upon identifications with others, at the cost of an inner sense of authenticity and reliability. Breaking up a monolithic but false body-sense in the process of therapy could allow for the emergence of a range of authentic (even if often painful) body feelings in the patient.

Jungian Persona

Jungians have explored the overlap between Carl Jung’s concept of the persona and Winnicott’s false self; but, while noting similarities, consider that only the most rigidly defensive persona approximates to the pathological status of the false self.

Stern’s Tripartite Self

Daniel Stern considered Winnicott’s sense of “going on being” as constitutive of the core, pre-verbal self. He also explored how language could be used to reinforce a false sense of self, leaving the true self linguistically opaque and disavowed. He ended, however, by proposing a three-fold division of social, private, and of disavowed self.

Criticisms

Neville Symington criticised Winnicott for failing to integrate his false self insight with the theory of ego and id. Similarly, continental analysts like Jean-Bertrand Pontalis have made use of true/false self as a clinical distinction, while having reservations about its theoretical status.

The philosopher Michel Foucault took issue more broadly with the concept of a true self on the anti-essentialist grounds that the self was a construct – something one had to evolve through a process of subjectification, an aesthetics of self-formation, not something simply waiting to be uncovered: “we have to create ourselves as a work of art”.

Literary Examples

  • Wuthering Heights has been interpreted in terms of the true self’s struggle to break through the conventional overlay.
  • In the novel, I Never Promised You a Rose Garden, the heroine saw her outward personality as a mere ghost of a Semblance, behind which her true self hid ever more completely.
  • Sylvia Plath’s poetry has been interpreted in terms of the conflict of the true and false selves.

What is Turning Point (Charity)?

Introduction

Turning Point is a health and social care organisation that works across mental health, learning disability, substance misuse, primary care, the criminal justice system and employment.

In 2017, Turning Point won the contract to deliver sexual health services across 3 London boroughs and Autism Plus joined the Turning Point group. Many of Turning Point services are regulated by the Care Quality Commission.

Brief History

Turning Point developed out of The Camberwell Alcohol Project in South East London and was founded by Barry Richards, a London businessman, in 1964.

The charity was described as “one of Princess Diana’s favourite charities”; she acted as its patron from 1985 to 1997.

In 2001, Lord Victor Adebowale became Chief Executive.

In 2015 the charity denied accusations of “black on black racism” in its appeal against the decision of an earlier employment tribunal that Adebowale had unfairly dismissed the charity’s IT director, Ibukun Adebayo. The tribunal did find that Adebayo’s actions in accessing lewd emails about her from the charity’s deputy chief executive to Adebowale, constituted gross misconduct, but ruled that this did not justify Adebowale’s actions. Adebayo’s lawyers said that the actions were unfair because the deputy chief executive’s behaviour “was more serious than the claimant’s by way of his seniority and position as sponsor of Turning Point’s equal opportunities policy.”

Organisation

Turning Point is a social enterprise and registered charity based in the United Kingdom that runs projects in more than 240 locations across England and Wales, making contact with 130,000 people, on average, each year. In addition to providing direct services, Turning Point also campaigns on behalf of those with social care needs.

It has a turnover of £111m, £60m of which is for the delivery of substance misuse services, £18m for the delivery of mental health services and £34m for the delivery of support to people with a Learning Disability.

The organisation provides services support for a range of people, including those with mental health issues, learning disabilities and/or substance-related disorders.

What is Together for Mental Wellbeing?

Introduction

Together for Mental Wellbeing is a UK charity working in mental health. Until 2005 it was known as the Mental After Care Association (Maca).

Brief History

Together was founded in 1879 by Rev Henry Hawkins, then chaplain of Colney Hatch asylum, who wanted to find ways to support people leaving the institution once they returned to the community.

The charity changed its name in 2005 from the Mental After Care Association. Key to the change was the incorporation of wellbeing, now a foundational concept in the charity’s work.

Background

Together is the United Kingdom’s oldest mental health charity working to support people with mental health needs. It supports more than 3,500 people who experience mental distress, through 100 different projects across the country.

Together is led by a professional management and board of trustees. The CEO is Linda Bryant, a registered Forensic Psychologist who first joined the organisation as a frontline Forensic Mental Health Practitioner and became Director of Criminal Justice Services. The charity has a core principle of Service User Leadership.

Together works with people of all ages from 18 upwards, both sexes and many different ethnic origins. Many of them have been diagnosed with severe and enduring mental health needs such as schizophrenia or severe depression. The charity provides mental health services by working in partnership with many other organisations, including housing associations, health trusts, local authorities, criminal-justice agencies and private- and other voluntary-sector bodies.

Wellbeing Week

In 2008, Together held its first Wellbeing Week, a series of events taking place in Projects and offices across the United Kingdom. Wellbeing Week’s goal is to raise awareness of mental health and reduce stigma. In March 2009, Wellbeing Week took place for the second consecutive year.

Funding

Together reported a total income of over £23 million for 2008/2009, and £17.9m for 2015/2016. The vast majority of funding is from governmental health and social care agencies, mainly for its supported housing projects.

What is SANE (Charity)?

Introduction

SANE is a UK mental health charity working to improve quality of life for people affected by mental illness.

Brief History

SANE was established in 1986 to improve the quality of life for people affected by mental illness, following the overwhelming public response to a series of articles published in The Times entitled “The Forgotten Illness”. Written by the charity’s founder and Chief Executive, Marjorie Wallace, the articles exposed the neglect of people suffering from mental illness and the poverty of services and information for individuals and families. From its initial focus on schizophrenia (the name started as an acronym for “Schizophrenia: A National Emergency”), SANE expanded and is now concerned with all mental illnesses. SANE’s vision has been to raise public awareness, instigate research, and bring more effective professional treatment and compassionate care to everyone affected by mental illness.

During the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns, SANE’s hotline received a 200% increase in calls.

Aims and Outcomes

SANE uses the Charities Evaluation Services framework to assess its work. They have three organisational aims:

  • Reducing the impact of mental illness.
  • Improving treatment and care by increasing knowledge about mental illness.
  • Influencing policy and public attitudes by increasing understanding of mental illness.

These aims are connected to a number of specific outcomes which are used to monitor and evaluate SANE’s work.

Objectives

SANE works to:

  • Raise awareness and combat stigma about mental illness, educating and campaigning to improve mental health services.
  • Provide care and emotional support for people with mental health problems, their families and carers as well as information for other organisations and the public.
  • Initiate research into the causes and treatments of serious mental illness such as schizophrenia and depression and the psychological and social impact of mental illness.

Online Forum

One of the many features of SANE’s website is the Support Forum – a peer to peer community, moderated by SANE. The Support Forum provides a space where people affected by mental illness, family, friends and carers can offer and receive mutual support at any time of day or night 365 days a year. Users of the Support Forum share thoughts, feelings and experiences of the difficulties and challenges that can arise from living with mental illness. The forum has several different discussion rooms including:

  • Newbies.
  • Family, Friends and Carers.
  • Information Exchange.
  • Creative Corner.
  • Rant Room.

Marie talked about her experience of using the Support Forum: “I was scared to tell anyone how I was feeling, so I used the Support Forum at first. There I found a community of other sufferers and realised I wasn’t alone. I can’t express how pleased I was – I had felt so isolated up until that point.”

Emotional Support

SANE offers emotional support and information to anyone affected by mental health problems through helpline (SANEline) and text (Textcare) services and an online Support Forum where people share their feelings and experiences.

These services are led by SANE’s team of mental health professionals and delivered by a force of over 140 volunteers who undergo rigorous training and in many cases give hundreds of hours of their free time each year. SANE’s Caller Care programme provides call-back to give on-going support and help people alleviate a crisis phase or get through difficult circumstances.

Research

SANE undertakes neuroscience research to understand the causes of serious mental illness. SANE opened the Prince of Wales International Centre (POWIC) for SANE Research in 2003 to focus this work and establish a home for multi-disciplinary research. SANE provides space within POWIC to the Oxford Mindfulness Centre, which provides Mindfulness-based cognitive therapy training, integrating brain research with meditation techniques, and Professor Daniel Freeman.

SANE’s psychosocial research team focuses on the social and psychological aspects of mental illness impacting service users, carers and mental health professionals.

Campaigns

SANE campaigns to influence mental health policy and improve services, as well as combating the stigma and ignorance, which all too often exacerbate the distress that people experience. Previous work includes; campaigning for reform of mental health law, campaigning for better access to psychological therapies and campaigning about the unacceptable standard of care on many psychiatric wards.

Black Dog Campaign

In 2011, to mark its 25th anniversary, SANE launched the Black Dog Campaign. The campaign aimed to increase awareness and understanding of depression and other mental illness, to introduce new emotional support services, and encourage more people to seek help.

The Black Dog has been used as a metaphor for depression from antiquity to the present day. To bring the campaign to life SANE designed Black Dog statues that were placed across London and other major UK cities to raise awareness, reduce stigma and misunderstanding of mental health problems and to encourage more people to seek help.

It was hoped that the physical presence of a Black Dog would help people define their experience of the “invisible” condition that characterises mental illness, as well as promoting more open discussion, understanding and acceptance. In order to deliver a positive message of support each of the black dogs had a “collar of hope” and all of them wore coats designed by celebrities, artists or members of the public.

Celebrity Support

SANE have a distinguished group of high-profile patrons. Over the years they have lent their time and energy to publicising services, backing campaigns and fundraising for continued growth and success of the charity.

Celebrity supporters include:

  • Ruby Wax.
  • Bradley Walsh.
  • Rory Bremner.
  • Ian Hislop.
  • James Arthur.
  • Joanna Lumley.
  • Michael Palin.
  • Trevor Phillips.
  • Adam Ant.

What is Rethink Mental Illness?

Introduction

Rethink Mental Illness is a mental health charity in England.

The organisation was founded in 1972 by John Pringle whose son was diagnosed with schizophrenia. The operating name of ‘Rethink’ was adopted in 2002, and expanded to ‘Rethink’ Mental Illness’ (to be more self-explanatory) in 2011, but the charity remains registered as the National Schizophrenia Fellowship, although it no longer focuses only on schizophrenia.

Rethink Mental Illness now has over 8,300 members, who receive a regular magazine called Your Voice. The charity states that it helps 48,000 people every year, and is for caregivers as well as those with a mental disorders. It provides services (mainly community support, including supported housing projects), support groups, and information through a helpline and publications. The Rethink Mental Illness website receives almost 300,000 visitors every year. Rethink Mental Illness carries out some survey research which informs both their own and national mental health policy, and it actively campaigns against stigma and for change through greater awareness and understanding. It is a member organisation of EUFAMI, the European Federation of Families of People with Mental Illness.

Brief History

John Pringle published an anonymous article in The Times on 09 May 1970, describing the ways that his son’s schizophrenia diagnosis had affected his family, and what his experience caring for his son was like. This article and the support it gathered was the starting point for the National Schizophrenia Fellowship, which was founded by Pringle in 1972.

In its early days, the National Schizophrenia Fellowship acted as a support group and charity for individuals caring for loved ones diagnosed with schizophrenia. The organisation was more robust than previous charities and support organisations, because of its emphasis on helping its constituents understand more about mental health, seek out community for people affected by schizophrenia, and look after their own mental health while caring for loved ones affected by mental illness.

The National Schizophrenia Fellowship was instrumental in promoting the new early psychosis paradigm in 1995 when they linked with an early psychosis network in the West Midlands, called IRIS (Initiative to reduce impact of schizophrenia). This then led to the Early Psychosis Declaration by the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the subsequent formation of early psychosis services as part of mainstream health policy.

In 2002, the organisation rebranded itself as Rethink to reflect its expanded focus on mental health, before later rebranding to Rethink Mental Illness in 2011.

Rethink commissioned a controversial statue of Sir Winston Churchill in a straitjacket, which was unveiled in The Forum building in Norwich on 11 March 2006, to a mixture of praise and criticism. This was part of Rethink’s first anti-stigma regional campaign. The statue was intended to show how people in today’s society are stigmatised by mental illness, based on claims that Churchill suffered from depression and perhaps bipolar disorder. However, the statue was condemned by Churchill’s family, and described by Sir Patrick Cormack as an insult both to the former prime minister and to people with mental health problems. Although straitjackets have not been used in UK psychiatric hospitals for decades, a sufferer from bipolar disorder identified with “the straitjacket of mental illness” and commended the image. Nevertheless, in response to the complaints, the statue was removed.

Mark Winstanley succeeded Paul Jenkins as chief executive officer of Rethink Mental Illness in March 2014.

Campaigns

Amongst its recent campaigns Rethink has urged the government to look at the mental health risks of cannabis, rather than “fiddle with its legal status”. Cannabis was downgraded from a Class B to a Class C drug in 2004, making most cases of possession non-arrestable. However, Rethink wants government support for new research into the relationship between severe mental illness and cannabis. They have publicly stated, in response to George Michael’s advocacy of the drug, that cannabis is the drug “most likely to cause mental illness”.

In 2009, Rethink launched Time to Change, a campaign to reduce mental health discrimination in England, in collaboration with MIND. and aims to empower people to challenge stigma and speak openly about their own mental health experiences, as well as changing the attitudes and behaviour of the public towards those of us with mental health problems.

In January 2014, Rethink Mental Illness launched a campaign to “Find Mike”, a stranger who talked a 20-year-old man, Jonny Benjamin, out of taking his life in 2008. The campaign aimed to reunite the two men, with Benjamin seeking to “thank the man who saved my life” after talking him down from Waterloo Bridge, and raise awareness of mental health issues. The campaign spread quickly on social media, and within two days, the stranger’s fiancée spotted it on Facebook and knew instantly that “Mike” was her partner Neil Laybourn. The two arranged to meet, with the moment captured on Channel 4 documentary The Stranger on the Bridge, which explored the issues of the campaign. In March 2016, the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge hosted a screening of The Stranger on the Bridge at Kensington Palace, and a discussion alongside Jonny Benjamin.

Rethink Mental Illness, represented by their CEO Mark Winstanley, is a member of the independent Mental Health Taskforce. The Taskforce was responsible for developing a comprehensive five year strategy for mental health in England. It was the first time that a strategic approach has been taken to improving mental health outcomes across England’s health and social care system. NHS England welcomed the Taskforce’s recommendations, and pledged to invest more than a billion pounds a year by 2021. Health Secretary Jeremy Hunt commented on the report’s publication, saying: “We will work across Government and with the NHS to make the recommendations in this landmark report a reality, so that we truly deliver equality between mental and physical health.”

Rethink Mental Illness provides part of the secretariat for the All Party Parliamentary Group on Mental Health. They help shape the group’s agenda and organise meetings of MPs and Peers with an interest in mental health. This work has included leading enquiries on topics such as:

  • Reducing premature mortality for people with mental health problems.
  • Improving the quality of mental health emergency care.
  • Mental wellbeing as a public health priority.

Funding

Rethink Mental Illness has an annual income of approximately £32.7 million, according to its Directors, Trustees and Consolidated Financial Statements Report for the year ended 31 March 2019.

The vast majority of this income comes from contracts to provide a wide range of mental health services commissioned by statutory sources including local governmental health and social care bodies. Currently around £1.5 million of its income derives from individual donations, membership and corporate relationships.

Rethink Mental Illness says it protects its independent voice by making clear with funders that no donation can challenge its independence in any way, and its corporate partners sign up to a written agreement stating this position. The organisation accepts funding from pharmaceutical companies on the basis that, as with its other funders, these gifts can support its work without compromising it. It says that its discussions with pharmaceutical companies about medication and treatments will always be unrelated to any funds received from them, and that it does not endorse particular drugs or treatments. There are statements on its site about its recent funding from pharmaceutical companies – these contributions account for less than 0.1% of the charity’s overall funding.

What is Rigidity (Psychology)?

Introduction

In psychology, rigidity or mental rigidity refers to an obstinate inability to yield or a refusal to appreciate another person’s viewpoint or emotions characterised by a lack of empathy.

It can also refer to the tendency to perseverate, which is the inability to change habits and the inability to modify concepts and attitudes once developed. A specific example of rigidity is functional fixedness, which is a difficulty conceiving new uses for familiar objects.

Background

Rigidity is an ancient part of our human cognition. Systematic research on rigidity can be found tracing back to Gestalt psychologists, going as far back as the late 19th to early 20th century with Max Wertheimer, Wolfgang Köhler, and Kurt Koffka in Germany. With more than 100 years of research on the matter there is some established and clear data. Nonetheless, there is still much controversy surrounding several of the fundamental aspects of rigidity. In the early stages of approaching the idea of rigidity, it is treated as “a unidimensional continuum ranging from rigid at one end to flexible at the other”. This idea dates back to the 1800s and was later articulated by Charles Spearman who described it as mental inertia. Prior to 1960 many definitions for the term rigidity were afloat. One example includes Kurt Goldstein’s, which he stated, “adherence to a present performance in an inadequate way”, another being Milton Rokeach saying the definition was, “[the] inability to change one’s set when the objective conditions demand it”. Others have simplified rigidity down to stages for easy defining. Generally, it is agreed upon that it is evidenced by the identification of mental or behavioural sets.

Lewin and Kounin also proposed a theory of cognitive rigidity (also called Lewin-Kounin formulation) based on a Gestalt perspective and they used it to explain a behaviour in mentally retarded persons that is inflexible, repetitive, and unchanging. The theory proposed that it is caused by a greater “stiffness” or impermeability between inner-personal regions of individuals, which influence behaviour. Rigidity was particularly explored in Lewin’s views regarding the degree of differentiation among children. He posited that a mentally retarded child can be distinguished from the normal child due to the smaller capacity for dynamic rearrangement in terms of his psychical systems.

Mental Set

Mental sets represent a form of rigidity in which an individual behaves or believes in a certain way due to prior experience. The reverse of this is termed cognitive flexibility. These mental sets may not always be consciously recognised by the bearer. In the field of psychology, mental sets are typically examined in the process of problem solving, with an emphasis on the process of breaking away from particular mental sets into formulation of insight. Breaking mental sets in order to successfully resolve problems fall under three typical stages:

  1. Tendency to solve a problem in a fixed way;
  2. Unsuccessfully solving a problem using methods suggested by prior experience; and
  3. Realising that the solution requires different methods.

Components of high executive functioning, such as the interplay between working memory and inhibition, are essential to effective switching between mental sets for different situations. Individual differences in mental sets vary, with one study producing a variety of cautious and risky strategies in individual responses to a reaction time test.

Causes

Rigidity can be a learned behavioural trait for example the subject has a Parent, Boss or Teacher who demonstrated the same form of behaviour towards them

Stages

Rigidity has three different main “stages” of severity, although it never has to move to further stages.

  • The first stage is a strict perception that causes one to persist in their ways and be close-minded to other things.
  • The second involves a motive to defend the ego.
  • The third stage is that it is a part of one’s personality and you can see it in their perception, cognition, and social interactions.

Accompanying Externalising Behaviours

They could be external behaviours, such as the following:

  • Insistently repetitious behaviour.
  • Difficulty with unmet expectations.
  • Perfectionism.
  • Compulsions (as in OCD).
  • Perseveration.

Accompanying Internalising Behaviours

Internalizing behaviours also are shown:

  • Perfectionism.
  • Obsessions (as in OCD).

Associated Conditions

Cognitive Closure

Mental rigidity often features a high need for cognitive closure, meaning that they assign explanations prematurely to things with a determination that this is truth, finding that resolution of the dissonance as reassuring as finding the truth. Then, there is little reason to correct their unconscious misattributions if it would bring uncertainty back.

Autism Spectrum Disorder

Cognitive rigidity is one feature of autism and its spectrum (ASD), but is even included in what’s called the Broader Autism Phenotype, where a collection of autistic traits still fail to reach the level of ASD. This is one example of how rigidity does not show up as a single trait, but comes with a number of related traits.

Effects

Ethnocentrism

M. Rokeach tested for ethnocentrism’s relatedness to mental rigidity by using the California Ethnocentrism Scale (when measuring American college students’ views) and the California Attitude Scale (when measuring children’s views) before they were given what is called by cognitive scientists “the water jar problem.” This problem teaches students a set pattern for how to solve each one. Those that scored higher in ethnocentrism also showed attributes of rigidity such as persistence of mental sets and more complicated thought processes.

Strategies for Overcoming Rigidity

Consequences of Unfulfillment

If a person with cognitive rigidity does not fulfil their rigidly held expectations, the following could occur:

  • Agitation.
  • Aggression.
  • Self-injurious behaviour.
  • Depression.
  • Anxiety.
  • Suicidality.

These are clearly maladaptive, and so there must be other ways to overcome it.

What is Personality Development Disorder?

Introduction

A personality development disorder is an inflexible and pervasive pattern of inner experience and behavior in children and adolescents, that markedly deviates from the expectations of the individual’s culture.

Personality development disorder is not recognised as a mental disorder in any of the medical manuals, such as the ICD-10 or the DSM-IV, nor the more recent DSM-5. DSM-IV allows the diagnosis of personality disorders in children and adolescents only as an exception. This diagnosis is currently proposed by a few authors in Germany. The term personality development disorder is used to emphasize the changes in personality development which might still take place and the open outcome during development. Personality development disorder is considered to be a childhood risk factor or early stage of a later personality disorder in adulthood.

Adults usually show personality patterns over a long duration of time. Children and adolescents however still show marked changes in personality development. Some of these children and adolescents have a hard time developing their personalities in an ordinary way. DSM-IV states, for example, that children and adolescents are at higher risk to develop an antisocial personality disorder if they showed signs of conduct disorder and attention deficit disorder before the age of 10. This led Adam & Breithaupt-Peters (2010) to the idea that these children and adolescents need to be looked at more carefully. The therapy which these children and adolescents need might be more intense and maybe even different from looking at the disorders traditionally. The concept of personality development disorders also focuses on the severity of the disorder and the poor prognosis. An early diagnosis might help to get the right treatment at an early stage and thus might help to prevent a personality disorder outcome in adulthood.

Description

Similar to the adult diagnosis personality disorder these children display enduring patterns of inner experience and behaviour deviating markedly from the expectations of the individual’s culture. These patterns are inflexible and pervasive across a broad range of personal and social situations, lead to clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational or other important areas of functioning and they are stable and of long duration (more than a year).

The term personality development disorder (Persönlichkeitsentwicklungsstörung) was first used in German by Spiel & Spiel (1987). Adam & Breithaupt-Peters (2010) adapted the term to a more modern concept and suggested the below definition.

Cause

Similar to adult personality disorders there are multiple causes and causal interactions for personality development disorders. In clinical practice it is important to view the disorder from multiple perspectives and from an individual perspective. Biological and neurological causes need to be observed just as much as psychosocial factors. Looking at the disorder from only one perspective (e.g. (s)he had a bad childhood) often results in ignorance of important other factors or causal interactions. This might be one of the main reasons why traditional treatment methods often fail with these disorders. Only a multi-perspective view can provide for a multi-dimensional treatment approach which seems to be the key for these disorders.

Diagnosis

The diagnosis personality development disorder should only be given carefully and after a longer period of evaluation. Also a thorough diagnostic evaluation is necessary. Parents should be questioned separately and together with the child or adolescent to evaluate the severity and duration of the problems. In addition standardised personality tests might be helpful. It is also useful to ask the family what treatment approaches they have already tried so far without success.

Definition

According to Adam und Breithaupt-Peters personality development disorders are defined as complex disorders:

  • Which show similarity to a certain type of personality disorder in adulthood.
  • Which persist over a long period of time (more than a year) and show a tendency towards being chronic.
  • Which have a severe negative impact on more than one important area of functioning or social life.
  • Which show resistance to traditional educational and therapeutic treatment methods.
  • Which result in a reduced insight into or ignorance of the own problem behaviour. The family usually suffers more than the child or adolescent and has a hard time dealing with the diminished introspection.
  • Which make positive interactions between the children/adolescents and other people merely impossible. Instead social collisions are part of everyday life.
  • Which threaten the social integration of the young person into a social life and might result in an emotional disability.

Treatment

Personality development disorders usually need a complex and multi-dimensional treatment approach (Adam & Breithaupt-Peters, 2010). Since the problems are complex, treatment needs to affect the conditions in all impaired functional and social areas. Both educational and therapeutic methods are helpful and problem and strength based approaches work hand in hand. Parents need to be included as well as the school environment. Treatment methods need to be flexible and adjustable to the individual situation. Even elements of social work can be helpful when supporting the families and in some cases medication might be necessary. When suicidal behaviours or self-injuries are prominent treatment might best be done in a hospital.

For some personality development disorders (e.g. borderline personality disorder) treatment methods from adults can be adapted (e.g. dialectical behaviour therapy, Miller et al., 2006).

References

Adam, A. & Breithaupt-Peters, M. (2010). Persönlichkeitentwicklungsstörungen bei Kindern und Jugendlichen. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer Verlag.

What is Persona (Psychology)?

Introduction

The persona, for Swiss psychiatrist Carl Jung, was the social face the individual presented to the world – “a kind of mask, designed on the one hand to make a definite impression upon others, and on the other to conceal the true nature of the individual.”

Jung’s Persona

Identification

According to Jung, the development of a viable social persona is a vital part of adapting to, and preparing for, adult life in the external social world. “A strong ego relates to the outside world through a flexible persona; identifications with a specific persona (doctor, scholar, artist, etc.) inhibits psychological development.” For Jung, “the danger is that [people] become identical with their personas—the professor with his textbook, the tenor with his voice.” The result could be “the shallow, brittle, conformist kind of personality which is ‘all persona’, with its excessive concern for ‘what people think'” – an unreflecting state of mind “in which people are utterly unconscious of any distinction between themselves and the world in which they live. They have little or no concept of themselves as beings distinct from what society expects of them.” The stage was set thereby for what Jung termed enantiodromia – the emergence of the repressed individuality from beneath the persona later in life: “the individual will either be completely smothered under an empty persona or an enantiodromia into the buried opposites will occur.”

Disintegration

“The breakdown of the persona constitutes the typically Jungian moment both in therapy and in development” – the “moment” when “that excessive commitment to collective ideals masking deeper individuality—the persona—breaks down… disintegrates.” Given Jung’s view that “the persona is a semblance… the dissolution of the persona is therefore absolutely necessary for individuation.” Nevertheless, the persona’s disintegration may lead to a state of chaos in the individual: “one result of the dissolution of the persona is the release of fantasy… disorientation.” As the individuation process gets under way, “the situation has thrown off the conventional husk and developed into a stark encounter with reality, with no false veils or adornments of any kind.”

Negative Restoration

One possible reaction to the resulting experience of archetypal chaos was what Jung called “the regressive restoration of the persona,” whereby the protagonist “laboriously tries to patch up his social reputation within the confines of a much more limited personality… pretending that he is as he was before the crucial experience.” Similarly in treatment there can be “the persona-restoring phase, which is an effort to maintain superficiality;” or even a longer phase designed not to promote individuation but to bring about what Jung caricatured as “the negative restoration of the persona” – that is to say, a reversion to the status quo.

Absence

The alternative is to endure living with the absence of the persona – and for Jung “the man with no persona… is blind to the reality of the world, which for him has merely the value of an amusing or fantastic playground.” Inevitably, the result of “the streaming in of the unconscious into the conscious realm, simultaneously with the dissolution of the ‘persona’ and the reduction of the directive force of consciousness, is a state of disturbed psychic equilibrium.” Those trapped at such a stage remain “blind to the world, hopeless dreamers… spectral Cassandras dreaded for their tactlessness, eternally misunderstood.”

Restoration

Restoration, the aim of individuation, “is not only achieved by work on the inside figures but also, as conditio sine qua non, by a readaptation in outer life” – including the recreation of a new and more viable persona. To “develop a stronger persona… might feel inauthentic, like learning to ‘play a role’… but if one cannot perform a social role then one will suffer.” One goal for individuation is for people to “develop a more realistic, flexible persona that helps them navigate in society but does not collide with nor hide their true self.” Eventually, “in the best case, the persona is appropriate and tasteful, a true reflection of our inner individuality and our outward sense of self.”

Later Developments

The persona has become one of the most widely adopted aspects of Jungian terminology, passing into almost common vocabulary: “a mask or shield which the person places between himself and the people around him, called by some psychiatrists the persona.” For Eric Berne, “the persona is formed during the years from six to twelve, when most children first go out on their own… to avoid unwanted entanglements or promote wanted ones.” He was interested in “the relationship between ego states and the Jungian persona,” and considered that “as an ad hoc attitude, persona is differentiated also from the more autonomous identity of Erik Erikson.” Perhaps more contentiously, in terms of life scripts, he distinguished “the Archetypes (corresponding to the magic figures in a script) and the Persona (which is the style the script is played in).”

Post-Jungians would loosely call the persona “the social archetype of the conformity archetype,” though Jung always distinguished the persona as an external function from those images of the unconscious he called archetypes. Thus, whereas Jung recommended conversing with archetypes as a therapeutic technique he himself had employed – “For decades I always turned to the anima when I felt my emotional behavior was disturbed, and I would speak with the anima about the images she communicated to me” – he stressed that “It would indeed be the height of absurdity if a man tried to have a conversation with his persona, which he recognized merely as a psychological means of relationship.”

Jordan Peterson

University of Toronto psychology professor Jordan Peterson, a well-known as an admirer of Jung’s work, uses Jungian terminology but reconfigures it into a model that divides the psychological world into the domains of nature and culture. The Great Father of culture is an archetypal force that shapes the potential of chaos into the actuality of order. In this framework, the persona would be the aspect of the personality that has been adapted to culture, more specifically to the social dominance hierarchy, which Peterson refers to as the competency hierarchy. People who refuse to submit to this social discipline or carry the responsibility inherent in having a role in the world remain as undifferentiated potential, known in more Jungian terms as Peter Pan syndrome, or the negative aspect of the puer aeternus.

Though Jung does not reference dominance hierarchies specifically, the above is broadly in accordance with his conception of the persona as defined in his Two Essays on Analytical Psychology:

“We can see how a neglected persona works, and what one must do to remedy the evil. Such people can avoid disappointments and an infinity of sufferings, scenes, and social catastrophes only by learning to see how men behave in the world. They must learn to understand what society expects of them; they must realize that there are factors and persons in the world far above them; they must know that what they do has a meaning for others.”