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What are Grandiose Delusions?

Introduction

Grandiose delusions (GD) – also known as delusions of grandeur or expansive delusions – are a subtype of delusion that occur in patients suffering from a wide range of psychiatric diseases, including two-thirds of patients in manic state of bipolar disorder, half of those with schizophrenia, patients with the grandiose subtype of delusional disorder, and a substantial portion of those with substance abuse disorders.

GDs are characterised by fantastical beliefs that one is famous, omnipotent, wealthy, or otherwise very powerful. The delusions are generally fantastic and typically have a religious, science fictional, or supernatural theme. There is a relative lack of research into GD, in contrast to persecutory delusions and auditory hallucinations. About 10% of healthy people experience grandiose thoughts but do not meet full criteria for a diagnosis of GD.

Signs and Symptoms

According to the DSM-IV-TR diagnostic criteria for delusional disorders, grandiose-type symptoms include exaggerated beliefs of:

  • Self-worth.
  • Power.
  • Knowledge.
  • Identity.
  • Exceptional relationship to a deity or famous person.

For example, a patient who has fictitious beliefs about his or her power or authority may believe himself or herself to be a ruling monarch who deserves to be treated like royalty. There are substantial differences in the degree of grandiosity linked with grandiose delusions in different patients. Some patients believe they are God, the Queen of the United Kingdom, a president’s son, a famous rock star, and some other examples. Others are not as expansive and think they are skilled athletes or great inventors.

Expansive delusions may be maintained by auditory hallucinations, which advise the patient that they are significant, or confabulations, when, for example, the patient gives a thorough description of their coronation or marriage to the king. Grandiose and expansive delusions may also be part of fantastic hallucinosis in which all forms of hallucinations occur.

Positive Functions

Grandiose delusions frequently serve a very positive function by sustaining or increasing their self-esteem. As a result, it is essential to consider the consequences of removing the grandiose delusion on self-esteem when trying to modify the grandiose delusion in therapy. In many instances of grandiosity, it is suitable to go for a fractional rather than a total modification, which permits those elements of the delusion that are central for self-esteem to be preserved. For example, a person who believes they are a senior secret service agent gains a great sense of self-esteem and purpose from this belief, thus until this sense of self-esteem can be provided from elsewhere, it is best not to attempt modification.

Comorbidity

Schizophrenia

Schizophrenia is a mental disorder distinguished by a loss of contact with reality and the occurrence of psychotic behaviours, including hallucinations and delusions (unreal beliefs which endure even when there is contrary evidence). Delusions may include the false and constant idea that the person is being followed or poisoned, or that the person’s thoughts are being broadcast for others to listen to. Delusions in schizophrenia often develop as a response to the individual attempting to explain their hallucinations. Patients who experience recurrent auditory hallucinations can develop the delusion that other people are scheming against them and are dishonest when they say they do not hear the voices that the delusional person believes that he or she hears.

Specifically, grandiose delusions are frequently found in paranoid schizophrenia, in which a person has an extremely exaggerated sense of his or her significance, personality, knowledge, or authority. For example, the person may declare to own a major corporation and kindly offer to write a hospital staff member a check for $5 million if only help them escape from the hospital. Other common grandiose delusions in schizophrenia include religious delusions such as the belief that one is Jesus Christ.

Bipolar Disorder

Refer to Bipolar Disorder.

Bipolar I disorder can lead to severe affective dysregulation, or mood states that sway from exceedingly low (depression) to exceptionally high (mania). In hypomania or mania, some bipolar patients can suffer grandiose delusions. In its most severe manifestation, days without sleep, auditory and other hallucinations, or uncontrollable racing thoughts can reinforce these delusions. In mania, this illness affects emotions and can also lead to impulsivity and disorganised thinking, which can be harnessed to increase their sense of grandiosity. Protecting this delusion can also lead to extreme irritability, paranoia, and fear. Sometimes their anxiety can be so over-blown that they believe others are jealous of them and, thus, undermine their “extraordinary abilities,” persecuting them or even scheming to seize what they already have.

The vast majority of bipolar patients rarely experience delusions. Typically, when experiencing or displaying a stage of heightened excitability called mania, they can experience joy, rage, and other intense emotions that can cycle out of control, along with thoughts or beliefs that are grandiose. Some of these grandiose thoughts can be expressed as strong beliefs that the patient is very rich or famous or has super-human abilities, or can even lead to severe suicidal ideations. In the most severe form, in what was formerly labelled as megalomania, the bipolar patient may hear voices that support these grandiose beliefs. In their delusions, they can believe that they are, for example, a king, a creative genius, or can even exterminate the world’s poverty because of their extreme generosity.

Cause(s)

There are two alternative causes for developing grandiose delusions:

  1. Delusion-as-defence: Defence of the mind against lower self-esteem and depression.
  2. Emotion-consistent: Result of exaggerated emotions.

Anatomical Aspects

Grandiose delusions may be related to lesions of the frontal lobe. Temporal lobe lesions have been mainly reported in patients with delusions of persecution and of guilt, while frontal and frontotemporal involvement have been described in patients with grandiose delusions, Cotard’s syndrome, and delusional misidentification syndrome.

Diagnosis

Patients with a wide range of mental disorders which disturb brain function experience different kinds of delusions, including grandiose delusions. Grandiose delusions usually occur in patients with syndromes associated with secondary mania, such as Huntington’s disease, Parkinson’s disease, and Wilson’s disease. Secondary mania has also been caused by substances such as L-DOPA and isoniazid which modify the monoaminergic neurotransmitter function. Vitamin B12 deficiency, uraemia, hyperthyroidism as well as the carcinoid syndrome have been found to cause secondary mania, and thus grandiose delusions.

In diagnosing delusions, the MacArthur-Maudsley Assessment of Delusions Schedule is used to assess the patient

Treatment

In patients suffering from schizophrenia, grandiose and religious delusions are found to be the least susceptible to cognitive behavioural interventions. Cognitive behavioural intervention is a form of psychological therapy, initially used for depression, but currently used for a variety of different mental disorders, in hope of providing relief from distress and disability. During therapy, grandiose delusions were linked to patients’ underlying beliefs by using inference chaining. Some examples of interventions performed to improve the patient’s state were focus on specific themes, clarification of patient’s neologisms, and thought linkage. During thought linkage, the patient is asked repeatedly by the therapist to explain their jumps in thought from one subject to a completely different one.

Patients suffering from mental disorders that experience grandiose delusions have been found to have a lower risk of having suicidal thoughts and attempts.

Epidemiology

In researching over 1000 individuals of a vast range of backgrounds, Stompe and colleagues (2006) found that grandiosity remains as the second most common delusion after persecutory delusions. A variation in the occurrence of grandiosity delusions in schizophrenic patients across cultures has also been observed. In research done by Appelbaum et al. it has been found that GDs appeared more commonly in patients with bipolar disorder (59%) than in patients with schizophrenia (49%), followed by presence in substance misuse disorder patients (30%) and depressed patients (21%).

A relationship has been claimed between the age of onset of bipolar disorder and the occurrence of GDs. According to Carlson et al. (2000), grandiose delusions appeared in 74% of the patients who were 21 or younger at the time of the onset, while they occurred only in 40% of individuals 30 years or older at the time of the onset.

Prevalence

Research suggests that the severity of the delusions of grandeur is directly related to a higher self-esteem in individuals and inversely related to any individual’s severity of depression and negative self-evaluations. Lucas et al. (1962) found that there is no significant gender difference in the establishment of grandiose delusion. However, there is a claim that ‘the particular content of Grandiose delusions’ may be variable across both genders. Also, it has been noted that the presence of GDs in people with at least grammar or high school education was greater than lesser educated persons. Similarly, the presence of grandiose delusions in individuals who are the eldest is greater than in individuals who are the youngest of their siblings.

What is Parataxical Integration?

Introduction

First used by Irish-American psychoanalytic psychiatrist Harry Stack Sullivan in the 1940s, Parataxical Integration (a combination of terms) refers to the mutual condition of parataxic distortions (another concept of Sullivan’s).

Parataxical integration exists when two people, usually intimate with each other (i.e. parents and children, spouses, romantic partners, business associates), are reciprocally reactive to each other’s seductions, judgemental inaccuracies, hostile comments, and manipulations or other “triggering” behaviours. One says or does something causing the other to react, setting off a cyclical “ping-pong”, “tit-for-tat”, “you-get-me-and-I-get-you-back” oscillation of verbal and/or behavioural reactions.

Development

The concept first appeared in Sullivan’s The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry, published in 1953. It was developed further by his protégé, Lorna Smith Benjamin, in her Interpersonal Diagnosis and Treatment of Personality Disorders (1996). Benjamin saw parataxical integration as typical in the interpersonal behaviour of couples with unresolved autonomy (i.e. separation, boundary) and identity issues. Erik Erikson had himself described the unconscious, reciprocal reactivation (without using Sullivan’s terms) in his essay, “The Problem of Ego Identity,” and in Identity and Anxiety, by Stein et al. (1960).

Usage

Though the term itself is not used in much of the professional peer-reviewed literature, the interpersonal manifestation to which it refers appears regularly in the case study literature of the “family systems” school of psychologists, including Don D. Jackson, Jay Haley, Gregory Bateson, Virginia Satir, and Salvador Minuchin. Parataxical integrations are also presented in similar studies reported by Ronald D. Laing, Aaron Esterson, and anthropologist Jules Henry, largely during the 1950s and 1960s. Harold Searles and Charles McCormack describe manifestations of parataxical integration in their works on borderline personality disorders in the 1980s and 2000s.

Paul Watzlawick et al. describes the concept in his book, Change, noting, “… the circularity of their interaction makes it undecidable … whether a given action is the cause or effect of an action by the other party … either party sees its actions as determined and provoked by the other’s actions …”.

Rodger Garrett also employs the concept in his millennial-era work on borderline personality disorder and family of origin aetiology, typically using the term “reciprocal reactivity” along with it.

Reciprocal reactivity was studied by Gary Sperduto et al. in the 1970s, and it is clear from the abstract of his paper (see below) that his definitional terminology equated to that of Sullivan.

Numerous mass-market psychology authors, many writing about the topic of “co-dependence,” including Melody Beattie, Pia Mellody, Anne Wilson Schaef, and Barry & Janae Weinhold, describe the interpersonal manifestation without using Sullivan’s term per se. Co-dependence expert Pia Mellody describes the behavioural manifestations of parataxical integration at length in an audio presentation available online.

What is Parataxic Distortion?

Introduction

Parataxic distortion is a psychiatric term first used by Harry S. Sullivan to describe the inclination to skew perceptions of others based on fantasy.

Refer to Parataxical Integration.

Background

The “distortion” is a faulty perception of others, based not on actual experience with the other individual, but on a projected fantasy personality attributed to the individual. For example, when one falls in love, an image of another person as the “perfect match” or “soul mate” can be created when in reality, the other person may not live up to these expectations or embody the imagined traits at all.

The fantasy personality is created in part from past experiences and from expectations as to how the person ‘should be’, and is formulated in response to emotional stress. This stress can originate from the formation of a new relationship, or from cognitive dissonance required to maintain an existing relationship. Parataxic distortion serves as an immature cognitive defence mechanism against this psychological stress and is similar to Transference.

Parataxic distortion is difficult to avoid because of the nature of human learning and interaction. Stereotyping of individuals based on social cues and the classification of people into groups is a commonplace cognitive function of the human mind. Such pigeonholing allows for a person to gain a quick, though possibly inaccurate, assessment of an interaction. The cognitive processes employed, however, can have a distorting effect on the clear understanding of individuals. In essence, one can lose the ability to ‘hear the other’ through one’s own projected beliefs of what the other person is saying.

Etymology

From the Greek παράταξις, “placement side by side”.

Para – A Greek prefix which came to designate objects or activities auxiliary to or derivative of that denoted by the base word ( parody; paronomasia, paranoia) and hence abnormal or defective.

Taxic – indicating movement towards or away from a specified stimulus.

In this sense, Parataxic distortion, is a shift in perception away from reality.

Interpersonal Relationships and Emotions

Distorting one’s perception of others can often interfere with interpersonal relationships. In many cases, however, it may be beneficial to do so. Humans are constantly and subconsciously stereotyping. According to Paul Martin Lester, “our brains naturally classify what we see, we can’t help but notice the differences in physical attributes between one person and another.” Parataxic distortion runs parallel to stereotyping while it remains in the subconscious. As we make quick judgements, we are drawing from previous experiences stored in our memory.

Parataxic distortion can be a beneficial defence mechanism for the individual, allowing the individual to maintain relationships with others with whom he or she would otherwise be unable to interact or allowing the individual to endure difficult periods in relationships. A self-imposed blindness to certain personality traits can keep a relationship healthy, or it can also prove destructive. For instance, parataxic distortion can keep one in denial of the abusive nature of a spouse.

Attachment Theory

Parataxic distortion can begin in the early stages of development in infants. A mother’s nurturing personality and emotional warmth might be projected onto a lover later in life. This could initially generate stronger feelings for the woman than are warranted by her behaviour and character alone. This example of attachment theory correlates with parataxic distortion.

Attachment theory would have it that the fantasy selves projected onto others in parataxic distortion are informed by our long-term attachment patterns. Not only are these imagined traits the resultant of our earliest bonds and unresolved emotional issues from past relationships, but they are recreated in these fantasy selves for the purpose of recreating that past attachment in the present.

Negative Effects

Dealing with current situations or people that relate to a past event, or remind someone of a person from the past, can have negative effects on a human from an emotional standpoint. If the person from the past was a negative figure or the past event had a negative influence on a person, the person may create a self-sense of identity for the new individual they met. The negative emotional response happens when the individual realises that they have been creating a fake identity for the new individual.

Parataxic distortion is most effective in the realm of interpersonal communication. Parataxic distortion is typically used to avoid coping with past events. For example, if a child is mistreated by his or her father, the child may not only attach the fear and anger towards the father but will also relate this fear and anger to other men that look, talk or act like the father. The human mind keeps track of situations that we have encountered in the past to help us deal with future situations. The unconscious memory, without our knowing, helps us understand and deal with situations in the present that we have dealt with in the past. Parataxic distortion and our unconscious mind make us act the same way in current situations as we did in the past, even without realising it.

Defence Mechanism

As a defence mechanism, parataxic distortion protects one from the emotional consequences of a past event. A person may not remember a certain event, or be acting on it consciously, but will act a certain way to protect themselves from an outcome with the use of parataxic distortion. This behaviour is a pathological attempt to cope with reality by using unreality.

Parataxic distortion is a commonly used psychological defence mechanism. It is not an illness or a disease, but a part of everyday, normal human psychology that can become maladaptive in certain situations. The cognitive abilities used to generate internal models of others are useful in interaction. As we can never truly internalise the full reality of another, we must interact with a shorthand version of them. It is only when we believe that the shorthand version is their reality that this ability can become maladaptive. One may also attempt to coerce or force another to ‘fit the mould’ and act more according to expectations, more like the idealised version they dream the other as being. This is also pathological.

However, all humans engage in parataxic distortion to one extent or another, in one realm or another. It may be to manage emotions within their family, to facilitate communication between them and their spouse, or to imagine a relationship between them and their nation-state.

What is Persecutory Delusion?

Introduction

Persecutory delusions are a set of delusional conditions in which the affected persons believe they are being persecuted, despite a lack of evidence.

Background

Specifically, they have been defined as containing two central elements:

  • The individual thinks that harm is occurring, or is going to occur.
  • The individual thinks that the perceived persecutor has the intention to cause harm.

According to the DSM-IV-TR, persecutory delusions are the most common form of delusions in paranoid schizophrenia, where the person believes “he or she is being tormented, followed, tricked, spied on, or ridiculed”, or that their food is being poisoned. They are also often seen in schizoaffective disorder and, as recognised by DSM-IV-TR, constitute the cardinal feature of the persecutory subtype of delusional disorder, by far the most common.

Delusions of persecution may also appear in manic and mixed episodes of bipolar disorder, polysubstance abuse, and severe depressive episodes with psychotic features, particularly when associated with bipolar illness.

Prevalence

A 2020 study by Sheridan and colleagues gave figures for lifetime prevalence of perceived stalking by groups, a common form of persecutory delusion, at 0.66% for adult women and 0.17% for adult men.

When the focus is to remedy some injustice by legal action, persecutory delusions are sometimes termed “querulous paranoia”.

In cases where reporters of stalking behaviour have been judged to be making false reports, a majority of them were judged to be delusional.

Treatment

Medications for schizophrenia are often used, especially when positive symptoms are present. Both first-generation antipsychotics and second-generation antipsychotics may be useful. Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) has also been used.

On This Day … 13 February

People (Deaths)

  • 1964 – Werner Heyde, German psychiatrist and academic (b. 1902).

Werner Heyde

Werner Heyde (aka Fritz Sawade) (25 April 1902 to 13 February 1964) was a German psychiatrist. He was one of the main organisers of Nazi Germany’s T-4 Euthanasia Programme.

Early Life

Heyde was born in Forst (Lausitz) on 25 May in 1902 and completed his Abitur in 1920. From 1922-1925, he studied medicine in Berlin, Freiburg, Marburg, Rostock and Würzburg and after short placements at the General Hospital in Cottbus and the sanatorium Berlin-Wittenau became assistant doctor at the Universitätsnervenklinik (university psychiatric hospital) in Würzburg. He obtained his licence to practice medicine in 1926, having completed all courses throughout his studies with top marks.

Career until 1945

In 1933, Heyde made the acquaintance of Theodor Eicke, and became a member of the NSDAP. One year later, he was appointed director of the polyclinic in Würzburg. In 1935, he entered the SS as medical officer with the rank of SS-Hauptsturmführer, and became commander of the medical unit in the SS-Totenkopfverbände. There he was responsible for establishing a system of psychiatric and eugenic examinations and research in concentration camps, and for the organisation of the T-4 Euthanasia Program. Additionally, he also worked as a psychiatric consultant for the Gestapo. He also was leader of the Rassenpolitisches Amt in Würzburg, Seelbergstraße 8, 97080 Würzburg. Later he was accompanied by his Rassenpolitisches Amt assistant, Mr. Johannes Riedmiller aka Kurt Riethmüller aka Hans Riedmüller/Hans Riedmiller.

In 1938, he was appointed chief of staff of the medical department in the SS-Hauptamt (headquarters); in 1939, he became professor for psychiatry and neurology at the University of Würzburg, and from 1940 on he also was director of the psychiatric hospital.

He was replaced as head of the T4 program by Paul Nitsche in 1941, but continued his involvement as member of the “department Brack”[clarification needed] (after the end of World War II, it was never found out what his role there was).

He worked at Buchenwald, Dachau concentration camp and Sachsenhausen concentration camps.

In 1944, he was awarded the SS-Totenkopfring, and before the end of the war reached the rank of SS-Standartenführer (Colonel).

Life after 1945; Arrest and Suicide

After World War II, Heyde was interned and imprisoned, but escaped in 1947. He went underground using the alias Fritz Sawade and continued practicing as a sports physician and psychiatrist in Flensburg. Many friends and associates knew about his real identity, but remained silent even as he was an expert witness in court cases.

His true identity was revealed in the course of a private quarrel, and on 11 November 1959 Heyde surrendered to police in Frankfurt after 13 years as a fugitive. On 13 February 1964, five days before his trial was to start, Heyde hanged himself at the prison in Butzbach.

What is the Menninger Foundation?

Introduction

The Menninger Foundation was founded in 1919 by the Menninger family in Topeka, Kansas.

The Menninger Clock Tower in Topeka, Kansas (2013).

The Menninger Foundation, known locally as Menninger’s, consists of a clinic, a sanatorium, and a school of psychiatry, all of which bear the Menninger name. Menninger’s consisted of a campus at 5800 S.W. 6th Avenue in Topeka, KS which included a pool as well as the other aforementioned buildings.

In 2003, the Menninger Clinic moved to Houston. The foundation was started in 1919 by Dr. Charles F. Menninger and his sons, Drs. Karl and William Menninger. It represented the first group psychiatry practice. “We had a vision,” Dr. C. F. Menninger said, “of a better kind of medicine and a better kind of world.”

Brief History

The Menninger Clinic, also known as the C. F. Menninger Memorial Hospital, was founded in the 1920s in Topeka, Kansas. The Menninger Sanitarium was founded in 1925. The Menninger Clinic established the Southard School for children in 1926. The school fostered treatment programmes for children and adolescents that were recognised worldwide. In the 1930s the Menningers expanded training programmes for psychiatrists, psychologists, and other mental health professionals.

The Menninger Foundation was established in 1941. The Menninger School of Psychiatry was established in 1946. It quickly became the largest training centre in the country, driven by the country’s demand for psychiatrists to treat military veterans.

Menninger announced its affiliation with Baylor College of Medicine and The Methodist Hospital in December 2002. The concept was that Menninger would perform treatment while Baylor would oversee research and education.

Moves

The Menninger Clinic moved in June 2003 from Topeka, Kansas to its present location in Houston, Texas. The Menninger Clinic again moved to its new location at 12301 S. Main St., Houston, Texas, 77035 in May 2012.

Current Facilities

As of May 2012, The Menninger Clinic offers the following inpatient programmes and services: Adolescent Treatment Programme, a Professionals in Crisis Programme (PIC), the Compass Programme for Young Adults, the Comprehensive Psychiatric Assessment & Stabilisation Programme, an Assessments Service and the Hope Programme for Adults.

Revolution in Psychiatric Education

The Menninger School of Psychiatry and the local Veterans Administration Hospital represented the centre of a psychiatric education revolution. The Clinic and the School became the hub for training professionals in the bio-psycho-social approach. This approach integrated the foundations of medical, psychodynamic, developmental, and family systems to focus on the overall health of patients. For patients, this way of treatment attended to their physical, emotional, and social needs.

Dr. Otto Fleischmann, head of the psychoanalytic institute from 1956 to 1963, was doing psychotherapy behind a one-way vision screen, in full view of all the students.

In 1960 Otto Kernberg joined the Clinic and later become its director until 1965.

Karl Menninger

Dr. Karl Menninger’s first book, The Human Mind (1930), became a bestseller and familiarized the American public with human behaviour. Many Americans also read his subsequent books, including The Vital Balance, Man Against Himself and Love Against Hate.

Will Menninger

Dr. Will Menninger made a major contribution to the field of psychiatry when he developed a system of hospital treatment known as milieu therapy. This approach involved a patient’s total environment in treatment. Dr. Menninger served as Chief of the Army Medical Corps’ Psychiatric Division during World War II. Under his leadership, the Army reduced losses in personnel due to psychological impairment. In 1945, the Army promoted Dr. Menninger to brigadier general. After the war, Dr. Menninger led a national revolution to reform state sanitariums. In 1948, Time magazine featured Dr. Menninger on its cover, lauding him as “psychiatry’s U.S. sales manager.”

Activities

At the Menninger Clinic, staff proceeded to launch new treatment approaches and open specialty programmes. The Menninger Foundation gained a reputation for intensive, individualised treatment, particularly for patients with complex or long-standing symptoms. The treatment approach was multidimensional, addressing a patient’s medical, psychological, and social needs. Numerous independent organisations recognised the Menninger Foundation as a world leader in psychiatric and behavioural health treatment.

US News & World Report listed Houston’s Menninger Clinic #5 in Psychiatry on their annual list of best hospitals. The rankings are based on performance in meeting certain criteria, and are given a grade in each section and an overall scorecard. The eligibility requirements to participate are such that only 165 hospitals were considered for evaluation.

The Menninger Clinic remains one of the primary North American settings supporting psychodynamically informed research on clinical diagnosis, assessment, and treatment. Recently, efforts have been organised around the construct of mentalising, a concept integrating research activities related to attachment, theory of mind, internal representations, and neuroscience.

In the 1960s the Menninger Clinic studied Swami Rama, a noted yogi, specifically investigating his ability to exercise voluntary control of bodily processes (such as heartbeat) which are normally considered non-voluntary (autonomous) as well as Yoga Nidra. It was part of Gardner Murphy’s research programme into creativity and the paranormal, funded by Ittleson Family Foundation.

What is the JED Foundation?

Introduction

The Jed Foundation (JED) is a non-profit organisation that protects emotional health and prevents suicide for teens and young adults in the United States.

JED partners with high schools and colleges to strengthen their mental health, substance misuse and suicide prevention programmes and systems. They equip teens and young adults with the skills and knowledge to help themselves and each other. They encourage community awareness, understanding and action for young adult mental health.

Brief History

In 1998, we lost our youngest son Jed to suicide. Since then, we have worked to understand this unendurable tragedy. Although suicide was and continues to be a leading cause of death among young adults, schools had no uniform model for preventing suicide on campus. Communities struggled to overcome the shame and secrecy that prevented honest discussion of mental health. Campus prevention programs were limited in scope and priority. In 2000, we founded The Jed Foundation (JED) to surmount these hurdles and launch a blueprint for prevention. Today, JED is the nation’s leading organization dedicated to young adult mental health.

We thank our friends, partners and supporters for making this possible. We thank all of you who have accompanied us on this journey from loss to hope. Your commitment to protecting the lives of young people is transforming the conversation around mental health and mobilizing communities to action. Together we are helping students navigate the emotional challenges of college, prepare for adulthood, and thrive. Donna & Phil Satow.

The JED Foundation is rated 4-stars by Charity Navigator, their highest rating.

Campaigns

JED’s Mental Health Resource Centre

The JED website provides information about common emotional health issues and provides guidance for those concerned about themselves or others.

JED Campus

A nationwide initiative designed to help colleges and universities develop campus-wide systems, programs and policies to support mental health and prevent substance abuse and suicide. Following JED’s Comprehensive Approach, JED Campuses embark on a multi-year strategic partnership with JED to build a safety net for their students. The JED Campus program involves nearly 170 campuses.

Set to Go

A new programme that guides students, families and high school educators through the social, emotional and mental health challenges related to the transition out of high school to college and adulthood. Set to Go currently features a Transition of Care Guide, Right Fit Worksheet and other tools for students and families.

ULifeline

A mental health resource centre for college students that provides information about emotional health issues and the resources available on their campus. It also offers a confidential mental health self-screening tool. Over 1,600 colleges and universities are registered on ULifeline.

Half of Us

An award-winning programme from JED & MTV featuring a library of free-for-use videos including PSAs, celebrities and students talking about their personal experiences with mental health and substance use. Half of Us helps young people feel less alone and encourages them to reach out for help.

Love is Louder

A community-oriented site offering advice, support, and information on well-being and self-care. Co-founded by actress and singer Brittany Snow.

JED also partners with a number of organizations on educational and awareness campaigns and projects and creates guides and tools for professionals, parents and students.

Seize The Awkward

A national campaign in partnership with Ad Council and American Foundation for Suicide Prevention that encourages teens and young adults to “seize the awkward” by reaching out to a friend who may be struggling with mental health problems.

On This Day … 12 February

People (Births)

  • 1861 – Lou Andreas-Salomé, Russian-German psychoanalyst and author (d. 1937).
  • 1918 – Norman Farberow, American psychologist and academic (d. 2015).

Lou Andreas-Salome

Lou Andreas-Salomé (born either Louise von Salomé or Luíza Gustavovna Salomé or Lioulia von Salomé, Russian: Луиза Густавовна Саломе; 12 February 1861 to 05 February 1937) was a Russian-born psychoanalyst and a well-travelled author, narrator, and essayist from a Russian-German family.

Her diverse intellectual interests led to friendships with a broad array of distinguished thinkers, including Friedrich Nietzsche, Sigmund Freud, Paul Rée, and Rainer Maria Rilke.

Norman Farberow

Norman Louis Farberow (12 February 1918 to 10 September 2015) was an American psychologist, and one of the founding fathers of modern suicidology.

He was among the three founders in 1958 of the Los Angeles Suicide Prevention Centre, which became a base of research into the causes and prevention of suicide.

What is Intensive Short-Term Dynamic Psychotherapy?

Introduction

Intensive short-term dynamic psychotherapy (ISTDP) is a form of short-term psychotherapy developed through empirical, video-recorded research by Habib Davanloo.

The therapy’s primary goal is to help the patient overcome internal resistance to experiencing true feelings about the present and past which have been warded off because they are either too frightening or too painful. The technique is intensive in that it aims to help the patient experience these warded-off feelings to the maximum degree possible; it is short-term in that it tries to achieve this experience as quickly as possible; it is dynamic because it involves working with unconscious forces and transference feelings.

Patients come to therapy because of either symptoms or interpersonal difficulties. Symptoms include traditional psychological problems like anxiety and depression, but they also include physical symptoms without medically identifiable cause, such as headache, shortness of breath, diarrhoea, or sudden weakness. The ISTDP model attributes these to the occurrence of distressing situations where painful or forbidden emotions are triggered outside of awareness. Within psychiatry, these phenomena are classified as “Somatoform Disorders” in DSM-IV-TR.

The therapy itself was developed during the 1960s to 1990s by Habib Davanloo, a psychiatrist and psychoanalyst from Montreal. He video recorded patient sessions and watched the recordings in minute detail to determine as precisely as possible what sorts of interventions were most effective in overcoming resistance, which he believed was acting to keep painful or frightening feelings out of awareness and prevent interpersonal closeness.

ISTDP is taught by Habib Davanloo at McGill University, as well as in other University and post-graduate settings around the world. The ISTDP Institute offers on-line ISTDP training materials, including introductory videos and skill-building exercises.

Origins and Theoretical Foundation

In 1895, Josef Breuer and Sigmund Freud published their Studies on Hysteria, which looked at a series of case studies where patients presented with dramatic neurological symptoms, such as “Anna O” who suffered headaches, partial paralysis, loss of sensation, and visual disturbances. These symptoms did not conform to known patterns of neurological disease, and neurologists were thus unable to account for symptoms in purely anatomical or physiological terms. Breuer’s breakthrough was the discovery that symptomatic relief could be brought about by encouraging patients to speak freely about emotionally difficult aspects of their lives. Experiencing these emotions which had been previously outside of awareness seemed to be the curative factor. This cure became known as catharsis, and the experiencing of the previously forbidden or painful emotion was abreaction.

Freud tried various techniques to deal with the fact that patients generally seemed resistant to experiencing painful feelings. He moved from hypnosis to free association, interpretation of resistance, and dream interpretation. With each step, therapy became longer. Freud himself was quite open about the possibility that there were many patients for whom analysis could bring little or no relief, and he discusses the factors in his 1937 paper “Analysis Terminable and Interminable.”

From the 1930s through the 1950s, a number of analysts were researching methods of shortening the course of therapy without sacrificing therapeutic effectiveness. These included Sándor Ferenczi, Franz Alexander, Peter Sifneos, David Malan, and Habib Davanloo. One of the first discoveries was that the patients who appeared to benefit most from therapy were those who could rapidly engage, could describe a specific therapeutic focus, and could quickly move to experience their previously warded-off feelings. These also happened to represent those patients who were the healthiest to begin with and therefore had the least need for the therapy being offered. Clinical research revealed that these “rapid responders” were able to recover quickly with therapy because they were the least traumatised and therefore had the smallest burden of repressed emotion, and so were least resistant to experiencing the emotions related to trauma. However, these patients represented only a small minority of those arriving at psychiatric clinics; the vast majority remained unreachable with the newly developing techniques.

A number of psychiatrists began directing their psychotherapeutic research into methods of overcoming resistance. Dr. David Malan popularised a model of resistance, known as the Triangle of Conflict, which had first been proposed by Henry Ezriel. At the bottom of the triangle are the patient’s true, impulse-laden feelings, outside of conscious awareness. When those emotions rise to a certain degree and threaten to break into conscious awareness, they trigger anxiety. The patient manages this anxiety by deploying defences, which lessen anxiety by pushing emotions back into the unconscious.

The emotions at the bottom of Malan’s Triangle of Conflict originate in the patient’s past, and Malan’s second triangle, the Triangle of Persons, originally proposed by Menninger, explains that old emotions generated from the past are triggered in current relationships and also get triggered in the relationship with the therapist. The question of how maladaptive patterns of interpersonal behaviour could arise from early childhood experiences in the family of origin was postulated within psychoanalytic theory. Independent empirical support came from Bowlby’s newly arising field of Attachment Theory.

Bowlby and Attachment Trauma

John Bowlby, a British psychiatrist and psychoanalyst, was very interested in the impact on a child of adverse experiences in relation to its primary attachment figures (usually the mother, but often the father and others) in early life. He concluded, in opposition to received psychoanalytic dogma of the day, that childhood experience was far more important than unconscious fantasy. He also elucidated the nature of attachment, a system of behaviours exhibited by human and other mammalian infants which are innate and have the goal of physical proximity to the mother. For instance, a child taken out of its mother’s arms cries loudly in protest, and it is only quieted by being restored to its mother’s arms. Bowlby observed that the innate attachment system would be activated by loss of proximity to the mother, and that long-lasting trauma to the child could result from attachment interruption. Long term consequences included increased propensity to psychiatric disorders, poor relationship function, and decreased life satisfaction.

Bowlby conducted numerous studies and noted strong correlations between adverse early-life circumstances – primarily the lack of a consistent and nurturing relationship with the mother – as the source of numerous difficulties, including persistent depression, anxiety, or delinquency in adulthood. Childhood traumatisation to the attachment bond, usually through separation from or loss of the primary mother or mother-substitute, led to adult difficulties. Since Bowlby, the effects of trauma over development have consistently been shown to have a significant detrimental impact on adult psychological functioning.

Davanloo’s Discovery of the Unconscious Consequences of Attachment Trauma

In the 1960s, while Bowlby was observing children directly, Davanloo was beginning his work with symptomatic and character-disturbed adults. As he began his video-recording work and became progressively successful against higher levels of resistance, he noted that particular themes reappeared with striking consistency in patient after patient.

First, the therapist’s efforts to get to know the patient’s true feelings often aroused a simultaneous mixed feeling in the patient, composed of deep appreciation for the therapist’s relentless efforts to get to know the patient deeply, combined with equally deep irritation at the therapist for challenging the patient to abandon long-held resistances which could thwart the therapeutic effort.

Davanloo noted, in concert with Malan’s Triangle of Conflict, that patients would unconsciously resist the therapist’s efforts to get to the root of their difficulties. He also observed, from his videotaped sessions, that patients would simultaneously send off signals of their unconscious anxiety. Davanloo carefully monitored these signals of anxiety and saw that they represented the rise of complex mixed feelings with the therapist. The mix represented that part of the patient seeking relief from painful symptoms but also an active desire to avoid painful, repressed feelings.

As Davanloo became more skilled at unlocking the patient’s true unconscious feelings, he noted an often very predictable sequence of feelings. The sequence was by no means invariable, but it occurred frequently enough to allow the therapist to hypothesise its existence in a majority of cases.

First, after a high rise of mixed feeling with the therapist, manifested as signals of intense anxiety (tension in skeletal muscle, often manifested as wringing of the hands, accompanied with deep, sighing respirations), there would often be a breakthrough of rage, accompanied by an immediate drop in anxiety. This rage, Davanloo discovered, is intensely felt. It often has a violent impulse associated with it, sometimes even a murderous impulse. Once patients feel this rage, they are able to describe vividly detailed fantasies of what the rage would do if it were to take on a life of its own.

The rage is a product of thwarted efforts to attach from the past. Those thwarted efforts to love and be loved yield pain, in the form of what Bowlby described as protest. The pain yields a reactive rage at the loved person who thwarted attachment efforts.

Complete experiencing of the rageful impulse is typically accompanied by a tremendous relief at finally getting something out which has yearned for release. However, the relief is typically short lived.

Next, Davanloo almost invariably noted that patients then experience a tremendous wave of guilt about the rage. The guilt is a product of the fact that the old rageful feelings were with a person who was also loved. It is this guilt, Davanloo discovered, which is the key ingredient in symptom formation and character difficulties. Symptoms and interpersonal difficulties (usually unconscious efforts to ward off intimacy and closeness) are the product of guilt, which turns the rage back on the self. For instance, the rage of a two-year-old toward a mother who dies may be experienced in the present as suicidal feelings (self-directed murderous rage).

Beneath the guilty feelings from the past, Davanloo almost invariably noted painful feelings about thwarted efforts at emotional closeness to parents and others in childhood. Finally, at the deepest layer of feelings are the still powerful yearnings for closeness, attachment, and love.

The goal of the ISTDP therapist is, as rapidly as possible, to help the patient overcome resistance, and then experience all the waves of mixed, genuine feeling, previously unconscious, triggered by the intense therapeutic process. Those feelings are traced back to their origins in the past, and then both therapist and patient come to understand how the patient came to be the “consciously confused, unconsciously driven” person in the present. Old pockets of emotion are drained, the patient has a clearer self-narrative, and self-destructive symptoms and defences are renounced. The understanding gained is not just cognitive, but goes to the fundamental, emotional core. The influence of Freud’s early trauma theory is evident.

Specific Therapeutic Interventions

Davanloo discovered the layers of the dynamic unconscious through a process of developing specific interventions which allow the therapist to reach those layers. Those interventions, applied in a specific fashion at specific times in the therapeutic process, are all calculated to overcome the patient’s resistance as quickly and completely as possible, to allow the earliest and fullest experience of true feelings about the present and past as quickly as possible. Those interventions are known as pressure, challenge, and head-on collision.

I. Pressure: Therapeutic Encouragement and Reaching through to the Patient

Pressure is the principal ingredient of ISTDP, and it takes many forms. Initially, pressure takes the form of encouraging the patient to describe symptoms and interpersonal difficulties as specifically as possible, so both patient and therapist get the clearest picture possible of the precise difficulties. It starts from the moment the patient walks into the room, in the form of the question, “Are there some difficulties you are experiencing which you would like us to have a look at?”

The primary form of pressure is pressure toward feeling. Again, this is exerted mainly in the form of questions, such as, “How did you feel toward your boss for humiliating you in front of your staff? We see that you got anxious and depressed, but how did you feel?”

Pressure can be toward the patient’s will: “Can we look to your feelings? Do you want us to look to your feelings?”

Pressure is also exerted toward the therapeutic task: “Our goal here, if you want, is to get to the root, the engine, driving your difficulties. So, can we look at a specific time when you experienced anxiety? This will give us a clear picture of the problem which we can use to get to the engine.”

In its essence, pressure is encouragement from the therapist to the patient. It is encouragement to renounce defences, tolerate anxiety, and walk, with the therapist, into those places which have previously been off-limits. It is a way of saying, “There’s nothing in there we cannot face together, and we do so in your service, to relieve you of painful difficulties.”

Patients with low resistance are often quite responsive to pressure alone. However, as explained above, those are the patients who are healthiest to begin with. For patients with higher levels of resistance, usually the product of a more traumatised early phase of life, pressure quickly leads to the patient erecting barriers with the therapist. Those barriers are the patient’s habitual defences against avoided feelings. The combination of intentional (conscious) and unintentional (unconscious) defences is called the resistance. The therapist is constantly monitoring for both the rise in anxiety and the appearance of resistance. When resistance does make its appearance, new interventions, in addition to pressure, are called for.

II. Challenge: Pointing Out and Interrupting Defences in Concert with the Patient

Challenge is a two-stage process. The first stage is clarification, which is the therapist’s effort to confirm that resistance is operating, and also to acquaint the patient with the specific defence being deployed. Patients are often quite unaware of their own defences. Clarification takes the form of a question, meant to clarify the defence to both patient and therapist: “Do you notice that when you speak of being angry with your boss that you smile and giggle? Is a smile something you sometimes do to cover up a deeper feeling?”

When a defence is properly clarified, both patient and therapist can work together against it, because it represents an obstacle to the therapeutic task of getting to the patient’s true feelings. A defence which has not been clarified is still invisible to the patient. It is also important to note that in childhood, defences can be a useful tool in emotionally overwhelming or traumatic situations. According to Los Angeles-based psychiatrist Katherine Watkins, M.D.:

“defenses such as dissociation and repression can shield us from intense feelings that we are developmentally unprepared to experience and process. However as we grow up, this shielding cuts us off from our full range of feelings, even when we are now emotionally able to handle the feelings.”

Challenge to the defences represents an exhortation to the patient to abandon the defence: “Again you smile when I ask you about feelings in relation to being humiliated by your husband. If you don’t smile, how were you truly feeling?” This particular intervention is a very powerful one in the therapist’s arsenal. As with all powerful interventions, if it is misapplied, the consequences can be severe: rapid misalliance with the therapist, worsening of symptoms, and treatment dropout. This is because the patient perceives a premature challenge, applied when a defence has not been clarified, as a criticism or a personal attack.

A common misunderstanding of ISTDP is that the therapist’s role is to badger the patient through the use of Challenge. However, the proper use of challenge is as an aid or enhancement to the therapeutic alliance by removing an obstacle to the rise in complex feelings with the therapist. If challenge originates as a product of frustration in the therapist or as a misunderstanding of the unconscious, then stalemate is virtually assured.

The main purpose of challenge is to remove any obstacles in the way of the mutually agreed upon task of getting to the engine of the patient’s present difficulties: warded-off, complex feelings in relation to traumatising experiences with important attachment figures in the past.

The majority of patients are able to experience their true mixed feelings with a combination of Pressure and properly clarified Challenge. However, a sizable minority of patients erect a massive wall of resistance with the therapist. This wall is erected automatically and is an over-learned, habitual response, used to avoid emotional intimacy, both with the therapist and with other important figures in the patient’s personal orbit. When the therapist observes that the patient’s resistance has fully crystallised, it is time to deploy the ultimate intervention.

III. Head-On Collision: Pointing Out the Reality of the Defences and Encouragement to Overcome Them

The Head-on Collision is an intervention aimed not at any single defence but rather aimed at the entire defensive structure being deployed by the patient. It is an urgent appeal to the patient to exert maximal effort to overcome the resistance, and it takes the form of a summary statement to the patient which explains the consequences of continuing to resist:

Let’s take a look at what’s happening here. You have come on your own free will, because you are experiencing a problem which causes you pain. We have set out to get to the root of your difficulties, but every time we attempt to move toward it, you put up this massive wall. The wall keeps me out, and it keeps you from knowing your own true feelings. If you keep me out, you keep me useless. Is that what you want? Because, as you see, you are certainly capable of keeping me useless to you. My first question is, why would you want me to be useless? You see, the consequences of this would be that I would be unable to help you. I’d like to, but the nature of this work is that I can’t help everyone. Sometimes I fail. However, can you afford to fail? How much longer do you want to carry this burden?

This complex intervention is simultaneously aimed at the patient’s will, is a reminder of the task, and is a wake-up call to the therapeutic alliance to exert maximal effort against the resistance. It is a reminder, in stark terms, that the therapeutic task is in jeopardy and may well fail. Finally, it is a reminder to the patient of the consequences of failure, as well as an implied reminder that success is also possible.

The interventions of Pressure, Challenge, and Head-on Collision, all aimed at helping the patient experience true feelings in relation to the present and past, allowed Davanloo to expand the scope of patients who can be helped by short-term psychodynamic psychotherapy. A model which initially worked only with highly motivated patients able to describe a clearly problematic area can now be applied to patients whose difficulties are diffuse and whose motivation is also initially quite diffuse. The results are deep, lasting changes in areas of both symptomatic and interpersonal disturbances.

It is also worth stressing that ISTDP, unlike traditional psychodynamic therapies, assiduously avoids interpretation until such time as the unconscious is open. The use of trial interpretations is explicitly avoided. The phase of interpretation only commences once it is clear to both therapist and patient that there has been a passage of previously unconscious emotion. Quite often, it is then the patient who takes the lead in interpreting:

“The incredible rage I felt toward you when you refused to let me off the hook regarding my feelings is exactly the same rage that I felt toward my father when I was five years old and found out he had been killed in the war and wasn’t coming home. I buried the rage that day because I felt so guilty about it. That’s the day I became depressed.”

Evidence Base

Davanloo’s initial research was published in the form of a qualitative case series of approximately 200 patients. He maintains a large video library of treated cases which he uses for teaching conferences, though this has not yet been made available for other psychotherapy researchers to independently verify and quantify Davanloo’s claims. Recent studies however, support the efficacy of the ISTDP technique, as described below. He claims efficacy with psychological symptoms, medically unexplained symptoms (so-called functional or somatoform disorders), and characterological disturbances (referred to as Personality Disorders in DSM).

Empirical research into the efficacy of ISTDP, and other brief psychodynamic psychotherapies is active. There are now over 60 published outcome studies in ISTDP including 40 randomised controlled trials for depression, anxiety, personality, somatic symptom and substance use disorders. There are also over 20 studies showing the cost effectiveness of the method through reducing doctor visits, medication costs, hospital costs and disability costs. Summary of cost effectiveness studies to 2018

ISTDP has been investigated for:

  • Personality Disorders.
  • Depression and Treatment Resistant Depression.
  • Anxiety Disorders.
  • Functional Neurological Disorders.
  • Somatic Symptom Disorders: at least 20 studies as of October 2019.
  • Summary of ISTDP Somatic Condition Studies:
    • Cost effectiveness studies: at least 22 studies as of October 2019.
    • As an Adjunct to Care in Severe Mental Disorders.
    • Substance Use Disorders.

A Cochrane systematic review examined the efficacy of short-term psychodynamic psychotherapies for common mental disorders such as depression, anxiety and personality disorders. Without distinguishing between different forms of STDP from Davanloo’s ISTDP, modest to large short-term gains were reported for a broad range of people experiencing common mental disorders. Further research is required to determine the effectiveness and long term benefits of psychodynamic psychotherapies for common mental disorders. Neuroscientist and Nobel Prize winner, Eric Kandel refers to Davanloo’s technique and its effectiveness in providing relief from emotional disturbances.

Relationship to Cognitive Therapy

Cognitive therapy (CT), developed by Aaron T. Beck, focuses on illogical thoughts as the main driver of emotional difficulties. These beliefs, such as, “Everything I attempt inevitably fails,” are postulated to cause emotional states like depression or hopelessness. The therapist collaborates with the patient to determine which faulty cognitions are currently accepted by the patient as true. Together, the patient and therapist discover these cognitions and collaboratively explore the evidence for and against them. Relief of symptoms comes from replacing unfounded cognitions with more reality-based thoughts. CBT has been shown effective in numerous trials[citation needed], particularly for depression and anxiety disorders.

While ISTDP accepts the presence of faulty cognitions, the causality is thought to be reversed. The ISTDP therapist would posit that unconscious emotions lead to unconscious anxiety, which is managed by unconscious defences. These defences can certainly include hopeless, helpless, or self-deprecating cognitions. Rather than examining evidence for and against a thought like, “I am unable to know my own true feelings,” an ISTDP therapist might say, “If you adopt that position, which is essentially a position of helplessness, we will not get to the engine driving your difficulties. If you renounce this helpless position, how are you truly feeling right now?”

Both the CT and ISTDP therapist call the thought into question, with the goal of ultimately liberating the patient. The difference is that the ISTDP therapist sees the faulty cognition as preventing access to the true, buried feelings, while the CT therapist sees the faulty cognition as the cause of the painful emotions leading to the painful psychological state. It may well be the case that causality flows in both directions, dependent on the individual, the emotions, and the cognitions involved. As of this writing, though both CT and ISTDP show good evidence of clinical efficacy, the theoretical question of whether feelings drive thoughts or thoughts drive feelings remains unresolved; it could well be the case that thought and feeling are inextricably bound, and that we have not yet developed adequate psychological or neuroscientific concepts and tools to frame these sorts of questions properly.

What is Impulse-Control Disorder?

Introduction

Impulse-control disorder (ICD) is a class of psychiatric disorders characterised by impulsivity – failure to resist a temptation, an urge, or an impulse; or having the inability to not speak on a thought.

Many psychiatric disorders feature impulsivity, including substance-related disorders, behavioural addictions, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, foetal alcohol spectrum disorders, antisocial personality disorder, borderline personality disorder, conduct disorder and some mood disorders.

The fifth edition of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (DSM-5) that was published in 2013 includes a new chapter (not in DSM-IV-TR) on disruptive, impulse-control, and conduct disorders covering disorders “characterized by problems in emotional and behavioral self-control”. Five behavioural stages characterise impulsivity:

  • An impulse;
  • Growing tension;
  • Pleasure on acting;
  • Relief from the urge; and
  • Finally guilt (which may or may not arise).

Types

Disorders characterised by impulsivity that were not categorised elsewhere in the DSM-IV-TR were also included in the category “Impulse-control disorders not elsewhere classified”. Trichotillomania (hair-pulling) and skin-picking were moved in DSM-5 to the obsessive-compulsive chapter. Additionally, other disorders not specifically listed in this category are often classed as impulsivity disorders. Terminology was changed in the DSM-V from “Not Otherwise Classified” to “Not Elsewhere Classified”.

Sexual Compulsion

Sexual compulsion includes an increased urge in sexual behaviour and thoughts. This compulsion may also lead to several consequences in the individual’s life, including risky partner selection, increased chance for STIs and depression, as well as unwanted pregnancy. There has not yet been a determined estimate of its prevalence due to the secretiveness of the disorder. However, research conducted in the early 1990s in the United States gave prevalence estimates between 5-6% in the US population, with male cases being higher than female.

Internet Addiction

The disorder of Internet addiction has only recently been taken into consideration and has been added as a form of ICD. It is characterised by excessive and damaging usage of Internet with increased amount of time spent chatting, web surfing, gambling, shopping or consuming pornography. Excessive and problematic Internet use has been reported across all age, social, economic, and educational ranges. Although initially thought to occur mostly in males, increasing rates have been also observed in females. However, no epidemiological study has been conducted yet to understand its prevalence.

Compulsive Shopping

Compulsive shopping or buying is characterised by a frequent irresistible urge to shop even if the purchases are not needed or cannot be afforded. The prevalence of compulsive buying in the US has been estimated to be 2-8% of the general adult population, with 80-95% of these cases being females. The onset is believed to occur in late teens or early twenties and the disorder is considered to be generally chronic.

Pyromania

Pyromania is characterised by impulsive and repetitive urges to deliberately start fires. Because of its nature, the number of studies performed for fire-setting are understandably very few. However, studies done on children and adolescents suffering from pyromania have reported its prevalence to be between 2.4 and 3.5% in the United States. It has also been observed that the incidence of fire-setting is more common in juvenile and teenage boys than girls of the same age.

Intermittent Explosive Disorder

Intermittent explosive disorder or IED is a clinical condition of experiencing recurrent aggressive episodes that are out of proportion of any given stressor. Earlier studies reported a prevalence rate between 1-2% in a clinical setting, however a study done by Coccaro and colleagues in 2004 had reported about 11.1% lifetime prevalence and 3.2% one month prevalence in a sample of a moderate number of individuals (n=253). Based on the study, Coccaro and colleagues estimated the prevalence of IED in 1.4 million individuals in the US and 10 million with lifetime IED.

Kleptomania

Kleptomania is characterised by an impulsive urge to steal purely for the sake of gratification. In the US the presence of kleptomania is unknown but has been estimated at 6 per 1000 individuals. Kleptomania is also thought to be the cause of 5% of annual shoplifting in the US If true, 100,000 arrests are made in the US annually due to kleptomaniac behaviour.

Signs and Symptoms

The signs and symptoms of impulse-control disorders vary based on the age of the persons suffering from them, the actual type of impulse-control that they are struggling with, the environment in which they are living, and whether they are male or female.

Co-Morbidity

Complications of late Parkinson’s disease may include a range of impulse-control disorders, including eating, buying, compulsive gambling, sexual behaviour, and related behaviours (punding, hobbyism and walkabout). Prevalence studies suggest that ICDs occur in 13.6-36.0% of Parkinson’s patients exhibited at least one form of ICD. There is a significant co-occurrence of pathological gambling and personality disorder, and is suggested to be caused partly by their common “genetic vulnerability”. The degree of heritability to ICD is similar to other psychiatric disorders including substance use disorder. There has also been found a genetic factor to the development of ICD just as there is for substance use disorder. The risk for subclinical PG in a population is accounted for by the risk of alcohol dependence by about 12-20% genetic and 3-8% environmental factors. There is a high rate of co-morbidity between ADHD and other impulse-control disorders.

Mechanism

Dysfunction of the striatum may prove to be the link between OCD, ICD and SUD. According to research, the ‘impulsiveness’ that occurs in the later stages of OCD is caused by progressive dysfunction of the ventral striatal circuit. Whereas in case of ICD and SUD, the increased dysfunction of dorsal striatal circuit increases the “ICD and SUD behaviours that are driven by the compulsive processes”. OCD and ICD have traditionally been viewed as two very different disorders, the former one is generally driven by the desire to avoid harm whereas the latter one driven “by reward-seeking behaviour”. Still, there are certain behaviours similar in both, for example the compulsive actions of ICD patients and the behaviour of reward-seeking (for example hoarding) in OCD patients.

Treatment

Impulse-control disorders have two treatment options: psychosocial and pharmacological. Treatment methodology is informed by the presence of comorbid conditions.

Medication

In the case of pathological gambling, along with fluvoxamine, clomipramine has been shown effective in the treatment, with reducing the problems of pathological gambling in a subject by up to 90%. Whereas in trichotillomania, the use of clomipramine has again been found to be effective, fluoxetine has not produced consistent positive results. Fluoxetine, however, has produced positive results in the treatment of pathological skin picking disorder, although more research is needed to conclude this information. Fluoxetine has also been evaluated in treating IED and demonstrated significant improvement in reducing frequency and severity of impulsive aggression and irritability in a sample of 100 subjects who were randomised into a 14-week, double-blind study. Despite a large decrease in impulsive aggression behaviour from baseline, only 44% of fluoxetine responders and 29% of all fluoxetine subjects were considered to be in full remission at the end of the study. Paroxetine has shown to be somewhat effective although the results are inconsistent. Another medication, escitalopram, has shown to improve the condition of the subjects of pathological gambling with anxiety symptoms. The results suggest that although SSRIs have shown positive results in the treatment of pathological gambling, inconsistent results with the use of SSRIs have been obtained which might suggest a neurological heterogeneity in the ICD spectrum.

Psychosocial

The psychosocial approach to the treatment of ICDs includes cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) which has been reported to have positive results in the case of treatment of pathological gambling and sexual addiction. There is general consensus that cognitive-behavioural therapies offer an effective intervention model.

TypeDescription
Pathological GamblingSystematic desensitisation, aversive therapy, covert sensitisation, imaginal desensitisation, and stimulus control have been proven to be successful in the treatments to the problems of pathological gambling. Also, “cognitive techniques such as psychoeducation, cognitive-restructuring, and relapse prevention” have proven to be effective in the treatments of such cases.
PyromaniaPyromania is harder to control in adults due to lack of co-operation; however, CBT is effective in treating child pyromaniacs.
Intermittent Explosive DisorderAlong with several other methods of treatments, cognitive behavioural therapy has also shown to be effective in the case of Intermittent explosive disorder as well. Cognitive Relaxation and Coping Skills Therapy (CRCST), which consists of 12 sessions starting first with the relaxation training followed by cognitive restructuring, then exposure therapy is taken. Later, the focus is on resisting aggressive impulses and taking other preventative measures.
KleptomaniaIn the case of kleptomania, the cognitive behaviour techniques used in these cases consists of covert sensitisation, imaginal desensitisation, systematic desensitisation, aversion therapy, relaxation training, and “alternative sources of satisfaction”.
Compulsive BuyingAlthough compulsive buying falls under the category of Impulse-control disorder – Not Otherwise Specified in the DSM-IV-TR, some researchers have suggested that it consists of core features that represent impulse-control disorders which includes preceding tension, difficult to resist urges and relief or pleasure after action. The efficiency of cognitive behaviour therapy for compulsive buying is not truly determined yet; however, common techniques for the treatment include exposure and response prevention, relapse prevention, cognitive restructuring, covert sensitization, and stimulus control.