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Who was Cyril Burt (1883-1971)?

Introduction

Sir Cyril Lodowic Burt, FBA (03 March 1883 to 10 October 1971) was an English educational psychologist and geneticist who also made contributions to statistics. He is known for his studies on the heritability of IQ.

Shortly after he died, his studies of inheritance of intelligence were discredited after evidence emerged indicating he had falsified research data, inventing correlations in separated twins which did not exist, alongside other fabrications.

Childhood and Education

Burt was born on 03 March 1883, the first child of Cyril Cecil Barrow Burt (b. 1857), a medical practitioner, and his wife, Martha Decina Evans. He was born in London (some sources give his place of birth as Stratford-upon-Avon, probably because his entry in Who’s Who gave his father’s address as Snitterfield, Stratford; in fact the Burt family moved to Snitterfield when he was ten).

Burt’s father initially kept a chemist shop to support his family while he studied medicine. On qualifying, he became the assistant house surgeon and obstetrical assistant at Westminster Hospital, London. The younger Cyril Burt’s education began in London at a Board school near St James’s Park.

In 1890, the family briefly moved to Jersey then to Snitterfield, Warwickshire, in 1893, where Burt’s father opened a rural practice. Early in Burt’s life he showed a precocious nature, so much so that his father often took the young Burt with him on his medical rounds.

One of the elder Burt’s more famous patients was Darwin Galton, brother of Francis Galton. The visits the Burts made to the Galton estate not only allowed the young Burt to learn about the work of Francis Galton, but also allowed Burt to meet him on multiple occasions and to be strongly drawn to his ideas; especially his studies in statistics and individual differences, two defining characters of the London School of Psychology whose membership includes both Galton and Burt.

He attended King’s (now known as Warwick) School, in the county town, from 1892 to 1895, and later won a scholarship to Christ’s Hospital, then located in London, where he developed his interest in psychology.

From 1902, he attended Jesus College, Oxford, where he studied Classics and took an interest in philosophy and psychology, the latter under William McDougall. McDougall, knowing Burt’s interest in Galton’s work, taught him the elements of psychometrics, thus helping Burt with his first steps in the development and structure of mental tests, an interest that would last the rest of his life. Burt was one of a group of students who worked with McDougall, which included William Brown, John Flügel, and May Smith, who all went on to have distinguished careers in psychology.

Burt graduated with second-class honours in Literae Humaniores (Classics) in 1906, taking a special paper in Psychology in his Final Examinations. He subsequently supplemented his BA with a teaching diploma.

In 1907, McDougall invited Burt to help with a nationwide survey of physical and mental characteristics of the British people, proposed by Francis Galton, in which he was to work on the standardization of psychological tests. This work brought Burt into contact with eugenics, Charles Spearman, and Karl Pearson.

In the summer of 1908, Burt visited the University of Würzburg, Germany, where he first met the psychologist Oswald Külpe.

Work in Educational Psychology

In 1908, Burt took up the post of Lecturer in Psychology and Assistant Lecturer in Physiology at Liverpool University, where he was to work under the famed physiologist Sir Charles Sherrington. In 1909 Burt made use of Charles Spearman’s model of general intelligence to analyse his data on the performance of schoolchildren in a battery of tests. This first research project was to define Burt’s life’s work in quantitative intelligence testing, eugenics, and the inheritance of intelligence. One of the conclusions in his 1909 paper was that upper-class children in private preparatory schools did better in the tests than those in the ordinary elementary schools, and that the difference was innate.

In 1913, Burt took the part-time position of a school psychologist for the London County Council (LCC), with the responsibility of picking out the “feeble-minded” children, in accordance with the Mental Deficiency Act of 1913. He notably established that girls were equal to boys in general intelligence. The post also allowed him to work in Spearman’s laboratory, and receive research assistants from the National Institute of Industrial Psychology, including Winifred Raphael.

Burt was much involved in the initiation of child guidance in Great Britain and his 1925 publication The Young Delinquent led to opening of the London Child Guidance Clinic in Islington in 1927.[11] In 1924 Burt was also appointed part-time professor of educational psychology at the London Day Training College (LDTC), and carried out much of his child guidance work on the premises.

Later Career

In 1931 Burt resigned his position at the LCC and the LDTC after he was appointed Professor and Chair of Psychology at University College London, taking over the position from Charles Spearman, thus ending his almost 20-year career as a school psychological practitioner. One of his students, Reuben Conrad, recalled that he once arrived at the university with a chimpanzee that he had borrowed from London Zoo, though Conrad could not recall what point Burt was trying to make. While at London, Burt influenced many students, including Raymond Cattell and Hans Eysenck, and toward the end of his life, Arthur Jensen and Chris Brand. Burt was a consultant with the committees that developed the 11-plus examinations. This issue, and the allegations of fraudulent scholarship against him, are discussed in various books and articles listed below, including Cyril Burt: Fraud or Framed and The Mismeasure of Man.

Despite his lasting reputation as a statistical psychologist Cyril Burt was also involved in psychoanalysis. He was a member of the Tavistock Clinic Council in the early 1930s and of the British Psychoanalytical Society. In The Young Delinquent, he expressed the view that “nearly every tragedy of crime is in its origin a drama of domestic life.”

In 1942 Burt was elected President of the British Psychological Society. In 1946 he became the first British psychologist to be knighted for his contributions to psychological testing and for making educational opportunities more widely available, according to an account by J. Philippe Rushton. Burt was a member of the London School of Differential Psychology, and of the British Eugenics Society. Because he had suggested on radio in 1946 the formation of an organization for people with high IQ scores, he was made honorary president of Mensa in 1960. He officially joined Mensa soon thereafter.

Burt retired in 1951 at the age of 68, but continued writing articles and books. He died of cancer at age 88 in London on 10 October 1971.

Fraud Accusations

Burt published numerous articles and books on a host of topics ranging from psychometrics through philosophy of science to parapsychology. It is his research in behaviour genetics, most notably in studying the heritability of intelligence (as measured in IQ tests) using twin studies, that has created the most controversy, frequently referred to as “the Burt Affair.”

Shortly after Burt died it became known that all of his notes and records had been burnt, and he was accused of falsifying research data. From the late 1970s, it has been generally accepted that “he had fabricated some of the data, though some of his earlier work remained unaffected by this revelation.” This was due in large part to research by Oliver Gillie (1976) and Leon Kamin (1974).

The 2007 Encyclopædia Britannica noted it is widely acknowledged that his later work was flawed and many academics agree that data were falsified, though his earlier work is generally accepted as valid.

The possibility of fabrication was first brought to the attention of the scientific community when Kamin noticed that Burt’s correlation coefficients of monozygotic and dizygotic twins’ IQ scores were the same to three decimal places, across articles – even when new data were twice added to the sample of twins. Leslie Hearnshaw, a close friend of Burt and his official biographer, concluded after examining the criticisms that most of Burt’s data from after World War II were unreliable or fraudulent. William H. Tucker argued in a 1997 article that: “A comparison of his twin sample with that from other well documented studies, however, leaves little doubt that he committed fraud.”

Two other psychologists Arthur Jensen and J. Philippe Rushton, themselves involved in controversy for their views on race, have claimed that the contentious correlations reported by Burt are in line with the correlations found in other twin studies.

Rushton (1997) wrote that five different studies on twins reared apart by independent researchers corroborated Cyril Burt’s findings and had given almost the same heritability estimate (average estimate 0.75 vs. 0.77 by Burt). Jensen argued that “[n]o one with any statistical sophistication, and Burt had plenty, would report exactly the same correlation, 0.77, three times in succession if he were trying to fake the data.” Burt’s statistical sophistication was, however, called into question by his student Charlotte Banks, who in a foreword to Burt’s last book, published posthumously, wrote that he combined samples gathered from schoolchildren in different earlier years in his later papers without comment. A paper Burt published in 1943, Burt states an average IQ of 153.2 for the parents in the higher professional or administrative classes, at a time when there were no standardised IQ tests for adults in the upper ranges of IQ. In 1961, Burt revised this figure to 139.7 and, in other papers, noted that he had arrived at such figures by “assessment”, or guesswork, rather than testing.

According to Earl B. Hunt, it may never be found out whether Burt was intentionally fraudulent or merely careless. Noting that other studies on the heritability of IQ have produced results very similar to those of Burt’s, Hunt argues that Burt did not harm science in the narrow sense of misleading scientists with false results, but that in the broader sense science in general and behaviour genetics in particular were profoundly harmed by the Burt Affair, leading to a general rejection of genetic studies of intelligence and a drying up of funding for such studies.

Gillie’s 1976 article in The Sunday Times, reprinted in The Phi Delta Kappan in 1977, summarised attempts to trace two of Burt’s supposed collaborators, Margaret Howard and J. Conway. Publications attributed to these two were published in a journal edited by Burt between 1952 and 1959, including a joint paper of Burt and Howard, remarkable as one of the few, if not the only, research paper not authored solely by Burt. The papers in the names of Howard or Conway were published after Burt’s retirement from University College although their affiliations were said to be with University College, Howard’s specifically with its Psychology Department. No-one with these names was registered as a member of staff or student at University College between 1914 and 1976, or in any other institution within the University of London, and its Psychology Department could not trace either of them. Between 1952 and 1959, Burt lived in London and had two associates, Charlotte Banks and Gertrude Keir, neither of who ever met Howard or Conway. Although they suggested to Gillie that Burt may have corresponded with the two, there was no trace of any such correspondence in Burt’s papers. Burt’s housekeeper from 1950 recalled to Gillie that she had questioned Burt on why he had written papers in the names of Howard and Conway; his response was that they had done the research and should be credited. He explained their absence and lack of contact by adding that both had emigrated and he had lost their addresses. Based on his investigation, Gillie considered it likely that neither Howard nor Conway existed, but were a fantasy of the ageing Burt himself.

Arthur Jensen was given the opportunity to respond to Gillie’s article in the same issue of the same journal, and described the claims as libellous, without evidence and driven by opposition to Burt’s theories. However, he does not address the central issue, that Burt wrote scientific papers and published them as editor of a journal under false names and without the consent of the supposed authors.

In response to articles by Fletcher, claiming that his biography of Burt and attacks by others were motivated by ideological or political malice, Hernshaw added to Gillie’s claims by stating that Burt’s detailed records of visitors contained no records of visits by Howard or Conway in the years they were supposed to have collaborated with him on collecting and testing 32 pairs of separated monozygotic twins, that his papers contained no correspondence with or written material from them, and that no one close to Burt had met them. He added that testing separated twins was expensive: Burt had no research funds to pay research workers and his own finances were too stretched to pay for it himself. Further, he instanced two other example of what he terms Burt’s deviousness ignored by Fletcher. The first was Burt’s falsification of the early history of factorial analysis and his untruthful claim to have been the first to use that technique. The second was that Burt could not have obtained the results on the declining levels of scholastic attainments in the 1950s and 1960s that he claimed to have. Finally, Hernshaw claimed that Burt’s failings in his years of retirement went far beyond carelessness.

In his 1991 book, Fletcher questioned Gillie’s claim of the lack of independent articles published by Howard or Conway in scientific journals other than the Journal of Statistical Psychology edited by Burt, claiming Howard was also said to be mentioned in the membership list of the British Psychological Society, John Cohen was said to have remembered her well during the 1930s, and Donald MacRae had personally received an article from her in 1949 and 1950. According to Ronald Fletcher, there is documentary evidence of the existence of Conway. Other writers have suggested that Howard and Conway may have existed, but that Burt had simply used their names to support his research, as he had been shown to have done with another named so-called researcher.

Robert Joynson (in 1989) and Ronald Fletcher (in 1991) published books in support of Burt. However Joynson accepted that Burt frequently used assumed names to publish (in the journal Burt edited, the Journal of Statistical Psychology) papers that Burt had written himself: the names he used included those of Howard and Conway. Burt’s defenders have claimed that everyone knew that, after his retirement, Burt’s data was flawed and that he published articles under pseudonyms, adding that the British Psychological Society could have stopped this if it had violated accepted ethical norms of the time. However, although it is clear that some individual members of the British Psychological Society were aware of Burt’s questionable conduct, the reason why he was not censured were as likely to be that it would have been in bad taste to call such a great man to public account, a fault of a profession and its members that could tolerate at the time, and apologise later, for Burt’s behaviour.

Nicholas Mackintosh edited Cyril Burt: Fraud or Framed?, which was presented by the publisher as arguing that “his defenders have sometimes, but by no means always, been correct, and that his critics have often jumped to hasty conclusions. In their haste, however, these critics have missed crucial evidence that is not easily reconciled with Burt’s total innocence, leaving the perception that both the defence and prosecution cases are seriously flawed.” W. D. Hamilton claimed in a 2000 book review shortly before Hamilton’s death that the claims made by his detractors in the so-called “Burt Affair” had been either wrong or grossly exaggerated.

However, Mackintosh himself, then Emeritus Professor of Experimental Psychology at the University of Cambridge, summed up the evidence against Burt in 1995, saying that the data Burt presented were “so woefully inadequate and riddled with error”, that consequently “no reliance (could) be placed on the numbers he present(ed)”, and went on to confirm his agreement with Kamin’s original conclusion, that Burt had fabricated his data.

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Who Was Camille Laurin (1922-1999)?

Introduction

Camille Laurin (06 May 1922 to 11 March 1999) was a psychiatrist and Parti Québécois (PQ) politician in the Canadian province of Quebec. A MNA member for the riding of Bourget, he is considered the father of Quebec’s language law known informally as “Bill 101”.

Biography

Born in Charlemagne, Quebec, Laurin obtained a degree in psychiatry from the Université de Montréal where he came under the influence of the Roman Catholic priest, Lionel Groulx. After earning his degree, Laurin went to Boston, Massachusetts, in the United States, where he worked at the Psychopathic Department of Boston State Hospital. Following a stint in Paris in 1957, he returned to practice in Quebec. In 1961, he authored the preface of the book Les fous crient au secours, which described the conditions of psychiatric hospitals of the time.

He was one of the early founders of the Quebec sovereignty movement. As a senior cabinet minister in the first PQ government elected in the 1976 Quebec election, he was the guiding force behind Bill 101, the legislation that placed restrictions on the use of English on public signs and in the workplace of large companies, and strengthened the position of French as the only official language in Quebec.

Laurin resigned from his cabinet position on 26 November 1984 because of a disagreement with Lévesque on the future of the sovereignty movement. He resigned from his seat in the National Assembly on 25 January 1985. He was elected once again to the Assembly on 12 September 1994 but did not run in the 1998 election for health reasons.

He died in 1999 after a long battle with cancer.

This page is based on the copyrighted Wikipedia article < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Camille_Laurin >; it is used under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License (CC-BY-SA). You may redistribute it, verbatim or modified, providing that you comply with the terms of the CC-BY-SA.

Who is C. Sue Carter?

Introduction

C. Sue Carter is an American biologist and behavioural neurobiologist. She is an internationally recognised expert in behavioural neuroendocrinology. In 2014 she was appointed Director of The Kinsey Institute and Rudy Professor of Biology at Indiana University. Carter was the first person to identify the physiological mechanisms responsible for social monogamy.

Background

Carter studied biology at Drury College in Springfield, Missouri. She completed a PhD in Zoology at the University of Arkansas in Fayetteville.

Carter is a Fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science.

She is married to Stephen Porges, and has two children: Eric Carter Porges (currently a graduate student at the University of Chicago in Integrative Neuroscience) in Jean Decety’s Social Cognitive Neuroscience Laboratory, and Seth Porges (currently an editor at Maxim magazine in New York City, and previously an editor at Popular Mechanics magazine).

Academic Achievements

Carter studies social bonding, male and female parental behaviour, the social control of stress reactivity and the social control of reproduction, often using animal models such as the socially monogamous prairie vole. Carter’s research focuses on neuropeptide and steroid hormones, including oxytocin, vasopressin, corticotropin-releasing hormone, and oestrogen. Her research program has discovered important new developmental functions for oxytocin and vasopressin, and implicated these hormones in the regulation of long-lasting neural and effects of early social experiences. She also has a long-standing concern regarding the consequences of medical manipulations for human development and parent-child interactions, including the use of “pitocin” – a synthetic version of oxytocin – to induce labour and consequences of breastfeeding for the mother and child.

Most recently she has been examining the role of oxytocin and vasopressin in mental disorders such as autism, schizophrenia, anxiety and depression. Carter is also known for research on the physiological basis of social behaviour, including studies that implicated oxytocin, vasopressin and hormones of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (“stress”) axis in the traits of monogamy including pair-bond formation. She pioneered the physiological study of socially monogamous mammals, including the prairie vole. In collaboration with zoologist Lowell Getz, Carter documented the occurrence of social monogamy in prairie voles. Her studies in rodents helped to lay the foundation for the studies of behavioural and developmental effects of oxytocin and vasopressin in humans which are in progress. In collaboration with psychiatrist Margaret Altemus she conducted some of the first studies documenting the importance of breastfeeding in the regulation of maternal physiology.

Honours

Carter is a Fellow and Past-President of the International Behavioural Neuroscience Society and a recipient of the Matthew J. Wayner-NNOXe Pharmaceuticals Award for distinguished lifetime contributions to behavioural neuroscience.

Criticism

Author and LGBT activist Dan Savage claimed the announcement of Carter’s appointment to Director of the Kinsey Institute was “packed with bad news for anyone interested in sex research and/or conducting sex research (particularly those conducting sex research at the Kinsey Institute)” and “Carter’s pseudo-scientific/pseudo-empathetic moralizing plays right into the hands of the kind of conservative politicians who have been trying to kill the Kinsey Institute for decades.” Savage criticised Carter’s view that, “I think human sexuality must be viewed in the context of relationships,” countering, “Not all human sexuality exists in the context of relationships. You can argue, if you’re a moralist, that human sexuality should only be expressed in the context of a relationship. But that is a moral position, not a scientific one.”

This page is based on the copyrighted Wikipedia article < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/C._Sue_Carter >; it is used under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License (CC-BY-SA). You may redistribute it, verbatim or modified, providing that you comply with the terms of the CC-BY-SA.

Who was Bruno Bettelheim (1903-1990)?

Introduction

Bruno Bettelheim (28 August 1903 to 13 March 1990) was an Austrian-born psychologist, scholar, public intellectual and writer who spent most of his academic and clinical career in the United States. An early writer on autism, Bettelheim’s work focused on the education of emotionally disturbed children, as well as Freudian psychology more generally. In the US he later gained a position as professor at the University of Chicago and director of the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School for Disturbed Children, and after 1973 taught at Stanford University.

Bettelheim’s ideas, which grew out of those of Sigmund Freud, theorised that children with behavioural and emotional disorders were not born that way, and could be treated through extended psychoanalytic therapy, treatment that rejected the use of psychotropic drugs and shock therapy. During the 1960s and 1970s he had an international reputation in such fields as autism, child psychiatry, and psychoanalysis.

Some of his work was discredited after his death due to fraudulent academic credentials, allegations of patient abuse, accusations of plagiarism, and lack of oversight by institutions and the psychological community.

Background in Austria

Bruno Bettelheim was born in Vienna, Austria-Hungary, on August 28, 1903. When his father died, Bettelheim left his studies at the University of Vienna to look after his family’s sawmill. Having discharged his obligations to his family’s business, Bettelheim returned as a mature student in his thirties to the University of Vienna. Sources disagree about his education (see Misrepresented credentials section).

Bettelheim’s first wife, Gina, took care of a troubled American child, Patsy, who lived in their home in Vienna for seven years, and who may have been on the autism spectrum.

In the Austrian academic culture of Bettelheim’s time, one could not study the history of art without mastering aspects of psychology. Candidates for the doctoral dissertation in the History of Art in 1938 at Vienna University had to fulfil prerequisites in the formal study of the role of Jungian archetypes in art, and in art as an expression of the unconscious.

Though Jewish by birth, Bettelheim grew up in a secular family. After the Anschluss (political annexation) of Austria on 13 March 1938, the National Socialist (Nazi) authorities sent Austrian Jews and political opponents to the Dachau and Buchenwald concentration camps where many were brutally treated, and tortured or killed. Bettelheim was arrested some two months later on May 28, 1938, and was imprisoned in both these camps for ten and half months before being released on 14 April 1939. While at the Buchenwald camp, he met and befriended the social psychologist Ernst Federn. As a result of an amnesty declared for Adolf Hitler’s birthday (which occurred slightly later on 20 April 1939), Bettelheim and hundreds of other prisoners were released. Bettelheim drew on the experience of the concentration camps for some of his later work.

Life and Career in the United States

Bettelheim arrived by ship as a refugee in New York City in late 1939 to join his wife Gina, who had already emigrated. They divorced because she had become involved with someone else during their separation. He soon moved to Chicago, became a naturalised US citizen in 1944, and married an Austrian woman, Gertrude (‘Trudi’) Weinfeld, also an emigrant from Vienna.

Psychology

The Rockefeller Foundation sponsored a wartime project to help resettle European scholars by circulating their resumes to American universities. Through this process, Ralph Tyler hired Bettelheim to be his research assistant at the University of Chicago from 1939 to 1941 with funding from the Progressive Education Association to evaluate how high schools taught art. Once this funding ran out, Bettelheim found a job at Rockford College, Illinois, where he taught from 1942 to 1944.

In 1943, he published the paper “Individual and Mass Behaviour in Extreme Situations” about his experiences in the concentration camps, a paper which was highly regarded by Dwight Eisenhower among others. Bettelheim claimed he had interviewed 1,500 fellow prisoners, although this was unlikely. He stated that the Viennese psychoanalyst Richard Sterba had analysed him, as well as implying in several of his writings that he had written a PhD dissertation in the philosophy of education. His actual PhD was in art history, and he had only taken three introductory courses in psychology.

Through Ralph Tyler’s recommendation, the University of Chicago appointed Bettelheim as a professor of psychology, as well as director of the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School for emotionally disturbed children. He held both positions from 1944 until his retirement in 1973. He wrote a number of books on psychology and, for a time, had an international reputation for his work on Sigmund Freud, psychoanalysis, and emotionally disturbed children.

At the Orthogenic School, Bettelheim made changes and set up an environment for milieu therapy, in which children could form strong attachments with adults within a structured but caring environment. He claimed considerable success in treating some of the emotionally disturbed children. He wrote books on both normal and abnormal child psychology, and became a major influence in the field, widely respected during his lifetime. He was noted for his study of feral children, who revert to the animal stage without experiencing the benefits of belonging to a community. He discussed this phenomenon in the book The Informed Heart. Even critics agree that, in his practice, Bettelheim was dedicated to helping these children using methods and practices that would enable them to lead happy lives. It is based on his position that psychotherapy could change humans and that they can adapt to their environment provided they are given proper care and attention.

Bettelheim was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1971. After retiring in 1973, he and his wife moved to Portola Valley, California, where he continued to write and taught at Stanford University. His wife died in 1984.

The Uses of Enchantment

Bettelheim analysed fairy tales in terms of Freudian psychology in The Uses of Enchantment (1976). He discussed the emotional and symbolic importance of fairy tales for children, including traditional tales once considered too dark, such as those collected and published by the Brothers Grimm. Bettelheim suggested that traditional fairy tales, with the darkness of abandonment, death, witches, and injuries, allowed children to grapple with their fears in remote, symbolic terms. If they could read and interpret these fairy tales in their own way, he believed, they would get a greater sense of meaning and purpose. Bettelheim thought that by engaging with these socially evolved stories, children would go through emotional growth that would better prepare them for their own futures. In the United States, Bettelheim won two major awards for The Uses of Enchantment: the National Book Critics Circle Award for Criticism and the National Book Award in the category of Contemporary Thought.

However, in 1991, well-supported charges of plagiarism were brought against Bettelheim’s The Uses of Enchantment, primarily that he had copied from Julian Herscher’s 1963 A Psychiatric Study of Fairy Tales (revised ed. 1974).

Death

At the end of his life, Bettelheim had depression. He appeared to have had difficulties with depression for much of his life. In 1990, widowed, in failing physical health, and experiencing the effects of a stroke which impaired his mental abilities and paralysed part of his body, he took his own life. He died on 13 March 1990, in Maryland.

In Popular Culture

Bettelheim was a public intellectual, whose writing and many public appearances in popular media paralleled a growing post WWII interest in psychoanalysis. For instance, he appeared multiple times on The Dick Cavett Show in the 70s to discuss theories of autism and psychoanalysis. Richard Pollak’s biography of Bettelheim argues that such popular appearances shielded his unethical behaviour from scrutiny.

Bettelheim appeared as himself in the 1983 Woody Allen mockumentary Zelig.

A BBC Horizon documentary about Bettelheim was televised in 1987.

Controversies and Scientific Fraud Accusations

Bettelheim’s life and work have come under increasing scrutiny since his death.

Misrepresented Credentials

Though he spent most of his life working in psychology and psychiatry, Bettelheim’s educational background in those fields is murky at best. Sources disagree whether Bettelheim’s PhD was in art history or in philosophy (aesthetics). When he was hired at the University of Chicago, Ralph W. Tyler assumed that he had two PhDs, one in art history and the other in psychology. He also believed, falsely, that Bettelheim was certified to conduct psychoanalysis though Bettelheim never received such certification. A posthumous review of his transcript showed that Bettelheim had only taken three introductory classes in psychology. Bertram Cohler and Jacquelyn Sanders at the Orthogenic School believed Bettelheim had a PhD in art history. In some of his own writings, Bettelheim implied that he had written a dissertation on the philosophy of education.

Determining Bettelheim’s education is complicated by the fact that he routinely embellished or inflated aspects of his own biography. As an example, Bettelheim’s first wife, Gina, took care of a troubled American child, Patsy, who lived in their home in Vienna for seven years. Although Bettelheim later claimed he himself had taken care of the child, there is general agreement that his wife actually provided most of the child care. However sources disagree on whether Patsy was autistic. Bettelheim later claimed that it was Patsy who inspired him to study autism and embellished her into two or even several autistic children in his home.

Additionally, when he applied for a position at Rockford College in Illinois, he claimed in a résumé that he had earned summa cum laude doctorates in philosophy, art history, and psychology, and he made claims that he had run the art department at Lower Austria’s library, that he had published two books on art, that he had excavated Roman antiquities, and that he had engaged in music studies with Arnold Schoenberg. When he applied at the University of Chicago for a professorship and as director of the Orthogenic School, he further claimed that he had training in psychology, experience raising autistic children, and personal encouragement from Sigmund Freud. The University of Chicago biographical sketch of Bettelheim listed a single PhD but no subject area. Posthumous biographies of Bettelheim have investigated these claims and have come to no clear conclusions about his credentials. A review in The Independent (UK) of Sutton’s book stated that Bettelheim “despite claims to the contrary, possessed no psychology qualifications of any sort”. Another review in The New York Times by a different reviewer stated that Bettelheim “began inventing degrees he never earned”. A review in the Chicago Tribune stated “as Pollak demonstrates, Bettelheim was a snake-oil salesman of the first magnitude.”

In a 1997 Weekly Standard article Peter Kramer, clinical professor of psychiatry at Brown University, summarised: “There were snatches of truth in the tall tale, but not many. Bettelheim had earned a non-honors degree in philosophy, he had made acquaintances in the psychoanalytic community, and his first wife had helped raise a troubled child. But, from 1926 to 1938, —the bulk of the ’14 years’ at university—Bettelheim had worked as a lumber dealer in the family business.”

In his 1997 review of Pollak’s book in the Baltimore Sun, Paul R. McHugh, then director of Psychiatry and Behavioural Sciences at Johns Hopkins, stated “Bettelheim—with boldness, energy and luck—exploited American deference to Freudo-Nietzschean mind-sets and interpretation, especially when intoned in accents Viennese.”

Richard Pollak’s 1997 Biography of Bettelheim

In the New York Review of Books, Robert Gottlieb describes Pollak as a “relentlessly negative biographer,” but Gottlieb still writes: “The accusations against Bettelheim fall into several categories. First, he lied; that is, he both exaggerated his successes at the school and falsified aspects of his background, claiming a more elaborate academic and psychoanalytic history in Vienna than he had actually had. There is conclusive evidence to support both charges.” Gottlieb goes on to say that Bettelheim arrived in the United States as a Holocaust survivor and refugee without a job nor even a profession, and writes: “I suspect he said what he thought it was necessary to say, and was then stuck with these claims later on, when he could neither confirm them (since they were false) nor, given his pride, acknowledge that he had lied.”

Richard Pollak’s biography begins with a personal account, for his brother died in an accident while home from Bettelheim’s school on holiday. While playing hide-and-go-seek in a hay loft, the brother fell through a chute covered with hay and hit the concrete floor on the level below. Years later, Pollak hoped to get some information about his brother’s life and sought out Bettelheim. As Pollak recounts, “Bettelheim immediately launched into an attack. The boys’ father, he said, was a simple-minded ‘schlemiel.’ Their mother, he insisted, had rejected Stephen at birth forcing him to develop ‘pseudo-feeble-mindedness’ to cope.” He went on to angrily ask: “What is it about these Jewish mothers, Mr. Pollak?” Bettelheim furthermore insisted the brother had committed suicide and made it look like an accident. Pollak did not believe this.

As a review in the Baltimore Sun states, “The stance of infallibility over matters Pollak knew to be untrue prompted him to wonder about the foundation of Bettelheim’s commanding reputation.”

In a 1997 book review in the New York Times, Sarah Boxer wrote (regarding the plagiarism allegations): “Mr. Pollak gives a damning passage-for-passage comparison of the two [Bettelheim’s book and Heuscher’s earlier book].”

Richard Pollak’s biography, The Creation of Dr. B, portrays Bettelheim as an anti-Semite even though he was raised in a secular Jewish household, and asserts that Bettelheim criticised in others the same cowardice he himself had displayed in the concentration camps.

Pollak’s biography also states that two women reported that Bettelheim had fondled their breasts and those of other female students at the school while he was ostensibly apologising to each for beating her.

A number of reviewers criticised Pollak’s writing style, commenting that his book was motivated by “Vengeance, not malice” or that his book was “curiously unnuanced”, but they still largely agreed with his conclusions.

Plagiarism in Bettelheim’s Uses of Enchantment

In 1991, Alan Dundes published an article in the Journal of American Folklore in which he claimed Bettelheim had engaged in plagiarism in his 1976 The Uses of Enchantment. He argued that Bettelheim had copied from a variety of sources, including Dundes’ own 1967 paper on Cinderella, but most of all from Julius E. Heuscher’s 1963 book A Psychiatric Study of Fairy Tales (revised edition 1974).

On the other hand, Jacquelyn Sanders, who worked with Bettelheim and later became director of the Orthogenic School, stated that she had read Dundes’ article but disagreed with its conclusions:

“I would not call that plagiarism. I think the article is a reasonable scholarly endeavor, and calling it scholarly etiquette is appropriate. It is appropriate that this man deserved to be acknowledged and Bettelheim didn’t… But I would not fail a student for doing that, and I don’t know anybody who would”.

Abusive Treatment of Students

Many students and staff at the school have argued that Bettelheim was abusive, violent, and cruel to them and to others. There are multiple newspaper accounts of abuse, in letters, editorials, articles, and memoirs. A November 1990 Chicago Tribune article states: “Of the 19 alumni of the Orthogenic School interviewed for this story, some are still bitterly angry at Bettelheim, 20 or 30 years after leaving the institution due to the trauma they had suffered under him. Others say their stays did them good, and they express gratitude for having had the opportunity to be at the school. All agree that Bettelheim frequently struck his young and vulnerable patients.”

A particularly evocative example came from Alida Jatich, who lived at the school from 1966 to 1972 from ages twelve to eighteen. She wrote an initially anonymous April 1990 letter to the Chicago Reader in which she stated that she “lived in fear of Bettelheim’s unpredictable temper tantrums, public beatings, hair pulling, wild accusations and threats and abuse in front of classmates and staff. One minute he could be smiling and joking, the next minute he could be exploding.” She added, “In person, he was an evil man who set up his school as a private empire and himself as a demi-god or cultleader.” Jatich said Bettelheim had “bullied, awed, and terrorized” the children at his school, their parents, school staff members, his graduate students, and anyone else who came into contact with him.

Jacquelyn Sanders, who later became director of the Orthogenic School, said she thought it was a case of Bettelheim getting too much success too quickly. “Dr. B got worse once he started getting acclaim,” she said. “He was less able to have any insight into his effect on these kids.”

Conversely, some staff who worked at the Orthogenic School have stated that they saw Bettelheim’s behaviour as being corporal punishment, in line with the standards of the time, and not abuse. As an example, David Zwerdling, who was a counsellor at the school for one year in 1969–70, wrote a Sept. 1990 response to The Washington Post in which he stated:

“I witnessed one occasion when an adolescent boy cursed at a female counselor. Incensed upon learning of this, Dr. Bettelheim proceeded to slap the boy two or three times across the face, while telling him sternly never to speak that way to a woman again. This was the only such incident I observed or heard of during my year at the school… until fairly recently, the near-consensus against corporal punishment in schools did not obtain.”

However, Zwerdling also noted:

“He also was a man who, for whatever reasons, was capable of intense anger on occasion.”

Published books, memoirs, and biographies of Bettelheim have also taken up the question of his treatment of students.

Institutional and Professional Non-responses

Perhaps in part because of Bettelheim’s professional and public stature, there was little effort during his lifetime to curtail his behaviour or intervene on behalf of his victims. His work at the University of Chicago seems to have been given less formal oversight by the university than other research entities under their purview.

A Newsweek article reported that Chicago-area psychiatrists had privately given him the nickname “Brutalheim,” but did nothing to intervene effectively on behalf of students at the school.[

Professionals in the psychiatric and psychological communities likely knew there were allegations of abuse and maltreatment at the Orthogenic School. Howard Gardner, a professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, wrote that many professionals knew of Bettelheim’s behaviour but did not confront him for various reasons ranging from “fear about Bettelheim’s legendary capacity for retribution to the solidarity needed among the guild of healers to a feeling that, on balance, Bettelheim’s positive attributes predominated and an unmasking would fuel more malevolent forces.”

Autism Controversy

Behavioural psychology and conditions in children and adolescents was little understood in the mid-twentieth century. The concept of “autism” was first used as a term for schizophrenia. In the 1950s into the 1960s what may be understood as autism in children was regularly also referred to as “childhood psychosis and childhood schizophrenia”. “Psychogenesis”, the theory that childhood disorders had origins in early childhood events or trauma acting on the child from the outside was a prominent theory, and Bettelheim was a prominent proponent of a psychogenic basis for autism. For Bettelheim, the idea that outside forces cause individual behaviour issues can be traced back to his earliest prominent article on the psychology of imprisoned persons. Beginning in the 1960s and into the 1970s, “biogenesis”, the idea that such conditions had an inner-organic or biological basis overtook psychogenesis.

Currently, many of Bettelheim’s theories in which he attributes autism spectrum conditions to parenting style are considered to be discredited, not least because of the controversies relating to his academic and professional qualifications.

Autism spectrum conditions are currently regarded as perhaps having multiple forms with a variety of genetic, epigenetic, and brain development causes influenced by such environmental factors as complications during pregnancy, viral infections, and perhaps even air pollution.

The two biographies by Sutton (1995) and Pollak (1997) awakened interest and focus on Bettelheim’s actual methods as distinct from his public persona. Bettelheim’s theories on the causes of autism have been largely discredited, and his reporting rates of cure have been questioned, with critics stating that his patients were not actually autistic. In a favourable review of Pollak’s biography, Christopher Lehmann-Haupt of The New York Times wrote, “What scanty evidence remains suggests that his patients were not even autistic in the first place.”

In 1997 the psychiatrist Peter Kramer wrote:

“The Ford Foundation was willing to underwrite innovative treatments for autistic children, so Bettelheim labeled his children autistic. Few actually met the definition of the newly minted syndrome.”

Bettelheim believed that autism did not have an organic basis, but resulted when mothers withheld appropriate affection from their children and failed to make a good connection with them. Bettelheim also blamed absent or weak fathers. One of his most famous books, The Empty Fortress (1967), contains a complex and detailed explanation of this dynamic in psychoanalytical and psychological terms. These views were disputed at the time by mothers of autistic children and by researchers. He derived his thinking from the qualitative investigation of clinical cases. He also related the world of autistic children to conditions in concentration camps.

It appears that Leo Kanner first came up with the term “refrigerator mother,” although Bettelheim did a lot to popularize the term. “Although it now seems beyond comprehension that anyone would believe that autism is caused by deep-seated issues arising in early childhood relationships, virtually every psychiatric condition was attributed to parent-child relationships in the 1940s and 1950s, when Freudian psychoanalytic theory was in its heyday.”

In A Good Enough Parent, published in 1987, he had come to the view that children had considerable resilience and that most parents could be “good enough” to help their children make a good start.

Prior to this, Bettelheim subscribed to and became an early prominent proponent of the “refrigerator mother” theory of autism: the theory that autistic behaviours stem from the emotional frigidity of the children’s mothers. He adapted and transformed the Orthogenic School at the University of Chicago as a residential treatment milieu for such children, who he felt would benefit from a “parentectomy”. This marked the apex of autism viewed as a disorder of parenting.

A 2002 book on autism spectrum stated, “At the time, few people knew that Bettelheim had faked his credentials and was using fictional data to support his research.” Michael Rutter has observed, “Many people made a mistake in going from a statement which is undoubtedly true—that there is no evidence that autism has been caused by poor parenting—to the statement that it has been disproven. It has not actually been disproven. It has faded away simply because, on the one hand, of a lack of convincing evidence and on the other hand, an awareness that autism was a neurodevelopmental disorder of some kind.”

In a 1997 review of two books on Bettelheim, Molly Finn wrote “I am the mother of an autistic daughter, and have considered Bettelheim a charlatan since The Empty Fortress, his celebrated study of autism, came out in 1967. I have nothing personal against Bettelheim, if it is not personal to resent being compared to a devouring witch, an infanticidal king, and an SS guard in a concentration camp, or to wonder what could be the basis of Bettelheim’s statement that ‘the precipitating factor in infantile autism is the parent’s wish that his child should not exist.'”

Although Bettelheim foreshadowed the modern interest in the causal influence of genetics in the section Parental Background, he consistently emphasised nurture over nature. For example: “When at last the once totally frozen affects begin to emerge, and a much richer human personality to evolve, then convictions about the psychogenic nature of the disturbance become stronger still.” (On Treatability, p.412. The rates of recovery claimed for the Orthogenic School are set out in Follow-up Data, with a recovery good enough to be considered a ‘cure’ of 43%, pp.414–15).

Subsequently, medical research has provided greater understanding of the biological basis of autism and other illnesses. Scientists such as Bernard Rimland challenged Bettelheim’s view of autism by arguing that autism is a neurodevelopmental issue. As late as 2009, the “refrigerator mother” theory retained some prominent supporters, including the prominent Irish psychologist Tony Humphreys. His theory still enjoys widespread support in France.

In his book Unstrange Minds (2007), Roy Richard Grinker wrote:

Two other books on autism, published at about the same time [as Bettelheim’s Empty Fortress (1967)], got little mention in the press: Bernard Rimland’s Autism: The Syndrome and Its Implications for a Neural Theory of Behavior (1964), which outlined the biological and neurological aspects of autism, and Clara Clairborne Park’s The Siege (1967), a beautifully written memoir of raising an autistic child. Though they were more accurate depictions of autism, they couldn’t compete with Bettelheim. He was simply too good a writer, and with his Viennese accent—the sign of an authentic expert in psychology—too good a self promoter.

Jordynn Jack writes that Bettelheim’s ideas gained currency and became popular in large part because society already tended to blame a mother first and foremost for her child’s difficulties.

Remarks about Jews and the Holocaust

Bettelheim’s experiences during the Holocaust shaped his personal and professional life for years after. His first publication was “Individual and Mass Behaviour in Extreme Situations” derived from his experiences at Dachau and Buchenwald. His later work frequently compared emotionally disturbed childhood to prison or confinement, and according to Sutton, his professional work attempted to operationalize the lessons about human nature he learned during his confinement.

Bettelheim became one of the most prominent defenders of Hannah Arendt’s book Eichmann in Jerusalem. He wrote a positive review for The New Republic. This review prompted a letter from a writer, Harry Golden, who alleged that both Bettelheim and Arendt suffered from “an essentially Jewish phenomenon… self-hatred”.

Bettelheim would later speak critically of Jewish people who were killed during the Holocaust. He has been criticised for promoting the myth that Jews went “like sheep to the slaughter” and for blaming Anne Frank and her family for their own deaths due to not owning firearms, fleeing, or hiding more effectively. In an introduction he wrote to an account by Miklos Nyiszli, Bettelheim stated, discussing Frank, that “Everybody who recognized the obvious knew that the hardest way to go underground was to do it as a family; that to hide as a family made detection by the SS most likely. The Franks, with their excellent connections among gentile Dutch families should have had an easy time hiding out singly, each with a different family. But instead of planning for this, the main principle of their planning was to continue as much as possible with the kind of family life they were accustomed to.”

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Who was Benedict Morel (1809-1873)?

Introduction

Bénédict Augustin Morel (22 November 1809 to 30 March 1873) was a French psychiatrist born in Vienna, Austria. He was an influential figure in the field of degeneration theory during the mid-19th century.

Biography

Morel was born in Vienna, Austria in 1809, of French parents. In the aftermath of the War of the Sixth Coalition Morel was abandoned by his parents, and left with the Luxembourgish Abbé Dupont and his servant Marianne, who raised him.

Morel received his education in Paris, and while a student, supplemented his income by teaching English and German classes. In 1839 he earned his medical doctorate, and two years later became an assistant to psychiatrist Jean-Pierre Falret (1794–1870) at the Salpêtrière in Paris.

Morel’s interest in psychiatry was further enhanced in the mid-1840s when he visited several mental institutions throughout Europe. In 1848 he was appointed director of the Asile d’Aliénés de Maréville at Nancy. Here he introduced reforms towards the welfare of the mentally ill, in particular liberalization of restraining practices. At the Maréville asylum he studied people with mental disabilities, researching their family histories and investigating aspects such as poverty and childhood physical illnesses. In 1856 he was appointed director of the mental asylum at Saint-Yon in Rouen.

Morel, influenced by various pre-Darwinian theories of evolution, particularly those that attributed a powerful role to acclimation, saw mental deficiency as the end stage of a process of mental deterioration. In the 1850s, he developed a theory of “degeneration” in regards to mental problems that take place from early life to adulthood. In 1857 he published Traité des dégénérescences physiques, intellectuelles et morales de l’espèce humaine et des causes qui produisent ces variétés maladives, a treatise in which he explains the nature, causes, and indications of human degeneration. Morel looked for answers to mental illness in heredity, although later on he believed that alcohol and drug usage could also be important factors in the course of mental decline.

Démence Précoce

In the first volume of his Études cliniques (1852) Morel used the term démence précoce in passing to describe the characteristics of a subset of young patients, and he employed the phrase more frequently in his textbook Traité des maladies mentales which was published in 1860. Morel used the term in a descriptive sense and not to define a specific and novel diagnostic category. It was applied as a means of setting apart a group of young men and women who had “stupor.” As such their condition was characterised by a certain torpor, enervation, and disorder of the will and was related to the diagnostic category of melancholia. His understanding of dementia was a traditional and distinctly non-modern one in the sense that he did not conceptualise it as irreversible state.

While some have sought to interpret, if in a qualified fashion, Morel’s reference to démence précoce as amounting to the “discovery” of schizophrenia, others have argued convincingly that Morel’s descriptive use of the term should not be considered in any sense as a precursor to the German psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin’s dementia praecox disease concept. This is due to the fact that their concepts of dementia differed significantly from each other, with Kraepelin employing the more modern sense of the word, and also that Morel was not describing a diagnostic category. Indeed, until the advent of Arnold Pick and Kraepelin, Morel’s term had vanished without a trace and there is little evidence to suggest that either Pick or indeed Kraepelin were even aware of Morel’s use of the term until long after they had published their own disease concepts bearing the same name. As Eugène Minkowski succinctly stated, ‘An abyss separates Morel’s démence précoce from that of Kraepelin.’

Degeneration Theory

Morel is known for creating degeneration theory in the 1850s. He began to develop his theory while he was the director of the mental asylum at Saint-Yon in northern France. In 19th century France, there was an increase in crime, sickness, and mental disorders, which interested Morel. He was determined to identify the underlying causes of this increase. Morel’s Catholic and radical political background greatly shaped his process. Morel noticed that the patients in the mental asylum with intellectual disability also had physical abnormalities like goiters. He was able to expand this idea when he noticed most people in the asylum had unusual physical characteristics. Morel’s degeneration theory was based on the idea that psychological disorders and other behavioural abnormalities were caused by an abnormal constitution. This also meant that he believed that there was a perfect type of human that degenerations altered. He believed that these abnormalities could be inherited and that there was a progressive worsening of the degeneration by generation. These traits were not specified pathologies, but rather an overall abnormality like a highly susceptible nervous system to disturbances from excessive toxins. The first generation started with neurosis, then, in the next generation, mental alienation. After the second generation, the mental alienation led to imbecility. Finally, the fourth generation was destined to be sterile.

In Morel’s theory, degeneration was synonymous with anything that was different from the natural or normal state. These abnormalities were caused by environmental influences like diet, disease, and moral depravities or traits that were passed from generation to generation like alcoholism and living in the slums. Due to the law of progressivity, these degenerations would get worse in each generation to produce more criminals and neurotics with worse degenerations. Over time, the degenerations would progress until later generations (specifically the fourth generation) were so idiotic that they were essentially sterile and the abnormal family would die out. This theory explained why there was an increase in mental disorders and also allowed Morel to relate very different diseases as caused by previous generations because they had become more variable over time. Since there was an increase in mental disorders, Morel believed that society was approaching extinction of the imbeciles. He believed that the most degenerative illness was insanity. Morel was able to categorise degenerations into four main categories:

  1. Hysteria;
  2. Moral insanity;
  3. Imbeciles; and
  4. Idiots.

In 1857, Morel published his degeneration theory in Traité des dégénérescences physiques, intellectuelles et morales de l’espèce humaine et des causes qui produisent ces variétés maladives. In his work, he included images of twelve patients that demonstrated the physical, mental, and moral traits that were evidence of degeneration. Some of these characteristics included altered ear shape, asymmetrical faces, extra digits, and high-domed palates that had psychological representations as well. Morel’s work was well received. It connected psychiatric medicine to general medicine to provide a complete and well-researched cause for a large social problem. It became dominant because it grounded moral treatment, which was questionable in this time period, in science. Morel’s theory also allowed psychiatrists who were unable to help their patients explain why they had not been successful. Degeneration theory meant that there were some psychological disorders that were genetic and could not be cured by a psychiatrist. It also explained all psychological disorders. If a psychiatrist could not find a physical cause of the disease, they could blame it on the individual’s constitution. It quickly spread throughout Europe with key figures spreading the information and using it to explain criminal psychology, personality disorders, and nervous disorders. Wilhem Griesinger introduced Morel’s theory to Germany, Valentin Magnan helped his ideas spread in France, and Cesare Lambroso brought Morel’s theory to Italy. In the 1880s, Morel’s degeneration theory was very important in French psychiatry and the majority of diagnostic certificates in French mental hospitals involved the words mental degeneracy.

Legacy

Morel is regarded as the father of dementia praecox and the degeneration theory. Both of these ideas helped understand mental illness as it was on the rise in 19th and 20th century France. Morel’s degeneration theory gained quick popularity across Europe, which allowed it to shape further scientific developments. It was used as the basis of body typology and disposition theories as well as Lombroso’s theory of anthropological criminology. His theory was highly ideological and provided a scientific rationale for the eugenics programmes used by the Nazis. He is also known for generating research programs to understand the effects of paternal drinking on children. Morel’s degeneration theory is a key influence on Émile Zola’s Les Rougon-Macquart about the environmental influences of violence, prostitution, and other immoral activities on two branches of a family during the Industrial Revolution. In Britain, the degeneration theory bolstered the eugenics and Social Darwinism movement. Karl Pearson and Sidney Webb justified selective breeding and immigration in Britain by trying to prevent the degeneration of the British race. Not all theorists accepted Morel’s work. Sigmund Freud, Karl Jaspers, Adolf Meyer, and Oswald Bumke rejected his ideas. Overall, while Morel’s degeneration theory is considered outdated by modern psychiatrists, Morel is credited with creating the modern biological approach to understanding psychiatric disorders.

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Who was Gregory Zilborg (1890-1959)?

Introduction

Gregory Zilboorg (Russian: Григорий Зильбург, Ukrainian: Григорій Зільбург) (25 December 1890 to 17 September 1959) was a psychoanalyst and historian of psychiatry who is remembered for situating psychiatry within a broad sociological and humanistic context in his many writings and lectures.

Life and Career

Zilboorg was born into a Jewish family in Kiev, Ukraine on 25 December 1890 and studied medicine in St. Petersburg, where he worked under Vladimir Bekhterev. In 1917, after the February Revolution, he served as secretary to the Ministry of Labor under two prime ministers (Aleksandr Kerenskii and Georgii L’vov). When the Bolsheviks came to power, he fled to Kiev and established a reputation as a political journalist and drama critic.

Zilboorg emigrated to the United States in 1919 and supported himself by lecturing on the Chautauqua circuit and translating literature from Russian to English. Among the works he translated is Evgenii Zamiatin’s novel We, and Leonid Andreyev’s 1915 play He Who Gets Slapped Well received, that translation has been republished 17 times since that initial publication. In 1922 he began studying for his second medical degree, at Columbia University.

After graduating in 1926, he worked at the Bloomingdale Hospital and in 1931 began his psychoanalytic practice in New York City, having first been analysed in Berlin by Franz Alexander. From the 1930s onward, Zilboorg produced several volumes of lasting importance on the history of psychiatry. The Medical Man and the Witch During the Renaissance began as the Noguchi lectures at Johns Hopkins University in 1935. This volume was followed by A History of Medical Psychology in 1941 and Sigmund Freud in 1951. He also produced a series of clinical articles on subjects from the schizoid personality to postpartum depression – he considered the latter as rooted in ambivalence over motherhood and latent sadism[4] – and explored the effects of unresolved conflicts and countertransference effects of the analyst in the analytic situation.

Zilboorg’s patients included George Gershwin, Lillian Hellman, Ralph Ingersoll, Edward M.M. Warburg, Marshall Field, Kay Swift and James Warburg. The musical Lady in the Dark is reportedly based on Moss Hart’s experience of analysis with Zilboorg, who also examined other noted writers including Thomas Merton. Zilboorg married Ray Liebow in 1919 and they had two children (Nancy and Gregory, Jr.). He married Margaret Stone in 1946 and they had three children (Caroline, John and Matthew). His niece was cellist Olga Zilboorg.

Citing Susan Quinn,  author Ron Chernow  reports that Zilboorg engaged in unethical behavior including financial exploitation of patients. In an interview with Chernow, Edward M. M. Warburg reported that Zilboorg asked him for cash gifts and, in one instance, a mink coat for his wife.  A biography written by his daughter, The Life of Gregory Zilboorg (see further reading below) recounts in detail Zilboorg’s spiritual journey, his friendship with the Dominican Noël Mailloux, and his eventual conversion to Roman Catholicism.

Literary Archives

Zilboorg’s papers at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, contain manuscripts of several of his publications as well as his personal correspondence with Margaret Stone Zilboorg.

Bibliography

Writings

  • The passing of the old order in Europe (1920)
  • The medical man and the witch during the renaissance (1935)
  • A history of medical psychology (1941)
  • Mind, Medicine, & Man (1943)
  • Sigmund Freud (1951)
  • Psychology of the criminal act and punishment (1954)
  • Psychoanalysis and Religion (1962)

Translations

  • He Who Gets Slapped by Leonid Andreyev, translated from the Russian with an introduction (1921)
  • We by Yevgeny Zamyatin, translated from the Russian (1924)
  • The criminal, the judge and the public; a psychological analysis by Franz Alexander and Hugo Staub, translated from the German (1931)
  • Outline of clinical psychoanalysis by Otto Fenichel, translated by Bertram D. Lewin and Gregory Zilboorg (1934)

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Who was Bertram D. Lewin (1896-1971)?

Introduction

Bertram David Lewin (30 November 1896 to 08 January 1971) was an American psychoanalyst who was both an acute clinician and a contributor to theory, particularly to the study of elation, and of the dream screen.

Training and Contributions

Lewin had a training analysis with Franz Alexander in Berlin in the 1920s, before publishing his first analytic article in 1930. This was followed by ten more over the next decade, on subjects ranging from diabetes and claustrophobia to the body as phallus. The main focus of his interest, however, was in manic states, which he saw as characterised by fleeting identifications with a multiple of outside figures.

After the war, he published the fruits of his investigations in The Psychoanalysis of Elation (1951). There he stressed the role of denial in mania – denial particularly of feelings of separation and loss. He also explored the paradox in elation’s dark counterpart, depression, whereby the melancholic in seeking to punish the effigy of their loved one in fact punishes themselves having incorporated this effigy.

By that point he had also published his seminal article (1946) on the dream screen – the backcloth formed from primitive memories of the breast onto which the dream is projected. The concept would be fruitfully followed up both within analysis, and in the context of film theory.

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Who is Carol Ryff?

Introduction

Carol Diane Ryff is an American academic and psychologist. She received her doctorate in 1978.

Outline

She is known for studying psychological well-being and psychological resilience.

Ryff is the Hilldale Professor of psychology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, where she directs the Institute on Ageing.

Ryff developed the six-factor model of psychological well-being.

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What is the Six-Factor Model of Psychological Wellbeing?

Introduction

The six-factor model of psychological well-being is a theory developed by Carol Ryff which determines six factors which contribute to an individual’s psychological well-being, contentment, and happiness.

Psychological well-being consists of self-acceptance, positive relationships with others, autonomy, environmental mastery, a feeling of purpose and meaning in life, and personal growth and development. Psychological well-being is attained by achieving a state of balance affected by both challenging and rewarding life events.

Measurement

The Ryff Scale of Measurement is a psychometric inventory consisting of two forms (either 54 or 84 items) in which respondents rate statements on a scale of 1 to 6, where 1 indicates strong disagreement and 6 indicates strong agreement. Ryff’s model is not based on merely feeling happy, but is based on Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, “where the goal of life isn’t feeling good, but is instead about living virtuously”.

The Ryff Scale is based on six factors: autonomy, environmental mastery, personal growth, positive relations with others, purpose in life, and self-acceptance. Higher total scores indicate higher psychological well-being. Following are explanations of each criterion, and an example statement from the Ryff Inventory to measure each criterion.

  1. Autonomy: High scores indicate that the respondent is independent and regulates his or her behaviour independent of social pressures. An example statement for this criterion is “I have confidence in my opinions, even if they are contrary to the general consensus”.
  2. Environmental Mastery: High scores indicate that the respondent makes effective use of opportunities and has a sense of mastery in managing environmental factors and activities, including managing everyday affairs and creating situations to benefit personal needs. An example statement for this criterion is “In general, I feel I am in charge of the situation in which I live”.
  3. Personal Growth: High scores indicate that the respondent continues to develop, is welcoming to new experiences, and recognises improvement in behaviour and self over time. An example statement for this criterion is “I think it is important to have new experiences that challenge how you think about yourself and the world”.
  4. Positive Relations with Others: High scores reflect the respondent’s engagement in meaningful relationships with others that include reciprocal empathy, intimacy, and affection. An example statement for this criterion is “People would describe me as a giving person, willing to share my time with others”.
  5. Purpose in Life: High scores reflect the respondent’s strong goal orientation and conviction that life holds meaning. An example statement for this criterion is “Some people wander aimlessly through life, but I am not one of them”.
  6. Self-Acceptance: High scores reflect the respondent’s positive attitude about his or her self. An example statement for this criterion is “I like most aspects of my personality”

Applications and Research Findings

Contributing Factors

Positive Contributing Factors

Positive psychological well-being may emerge from numerous sources. A happy marriage is contributive, for example, as is a satisfying job or a meaningful relationship with another person. When marriages include forgiveness, optimistic expectations, positive thoughts about one’s spouse, and kindness, a marriage significantly improves psychological well-being. A propensity to unrealistic optimism and over-exaggerated self-evaluations can be useful. These positive illusions are especially important when an individual receives threatening negative feedback, as the illusions allow for adaptation in these circumstances to protect psychological well-being and self-confidence. Optimism also can help an individual cope with stresses to their well-being.

Negative Contributing Factors

Psychological well-being can also be affected negatively, as is the case with a degrading and unrewarding work environment, unfulfilling obligations and unsatisfying relationships. Social interaction has a strong effect on well-being as negative social outcomes are more strongly related to well-being than are positive social outcomes. Childhood traumatic experiences diminish psychological well-being throughout adult life, and can damage psychological resilience in children, adolescents, and adults. Perceived stigma also diminished psychological well-being, particularly stigma in relation to obesity and other physical ailments or disabilities.

Extrinsic and Intrinsic Psychological Needs

A study conducted in the early 1990s exploring the relationship between well-being and those aspects of positive functioning that were put forth in Ryff’s model indicates that persons who aspired more for financial success relative to affiliation with others or their community scored lower on various measures of well-being.

Individuals that strive for a life defined by affiliation, intimacy, and contributing to one’s community can be described as aspiring to fulfil their intrinsic psychological needs. In contrast, those individuals who aspire for wealth and material, social recognition, fame, image, or attractiveness can be described as aiming to fulfil their extrinsic psychological needs. The strength of an individual’s intrinsic (relative to extrinsic) aspirations as indicated by rankings of importance correlates with an array of psychological outcomes. Positive correlations have been found with indications of psychological well-being: positive affect, vitality, and self-actualization. Negative correlations have been found with indicators of psychological ill-being: negative affect, depression, and anxiety.

Relations with Others

A more recent study confirming Ryff’s notion of maintaining positive relations with others as a way of leading a meaningful life involved comparing levels of self-reported life satisfaction and subjective well-being (positive/negative affect). Results suggested that individuals whose actions had underlying eudaimonic tendencies as indicated by their self-reports (e.g. “I seek out situations that challenge my skills and abilities”) were found to possess higher subjective well-being and life satisfaction scores compared to participants who did not. Individuals were grouped according to their chosen paths/strategies to happiness as identified by their answers on an Orientation to Happiness Questionnaire. The questionnaire describes and differentiates individuals on the basis of three orientations to happiness which can be pursued, though some individuals do not pursue any.

The “pleasure” orientation describes a path to happiness that is associated with adopting hedonistic life goals to satisfy only one’s extrinsic needs. Engagement and meaning orientations describe a pursuit of happiness that integrates two positive psychology constructs “flow/engagement” and “eudaimonia/meaning”. Both of the latter orientations are also associated with aspiring to meet intrinsic needs for affiliation and community and were amalgamated by Anić and Tončić into a single “eudaimonic” path to happiness that elicited high scores on all measures of well-being and life satisfaction. Importantly, she also produced scales for assessing mental health. This factor structure has been debated, but has generated much research in wellbeing, health, and successful ageing.

Personality

Meta-analytic research shows that psychological well-being scales correlate strongly with all of the Big Five personality traits. Neuroticism is the strongest Big Five predictor of psychological well-being, correlating negatively with psychological well-being. In particular, openness has strong connections with personal growth, agreeableness and extraversion are notably related to positive relations, and conscientiousness is notably related to environmental mastery and purpose in life.

Heritability

Individual differences in both overall Eudaimonia, identified loosely with self-control and in the facets of eudaimonia are heritable. Evidence from one study supports 5 independent genetic mechanisms underlying the Ryff facets of this trait, leading to a genetic construct of eudaimonia in terms of general self-control, and four subsidiary biological mechanisms enabling the psychological capabilities of purpose, agency, growth, and positive social relations.

Wellbeing Therapy

According to Seligman, positive interventions to attain positive human experience should not be at the expense of disregarding human suffering, weakness, and disorder. A therapy based on Ryff’s six elements was developed by Fava and others in these regards.

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What is the Twelve-Step Programme?

Introduction

Twelve-step programmes are international mutual aid programs supporting recovery from substance addictions, behavioural addictions and compulsions. Developed in the 1930s, the first twelve-step programme, Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), founded by Bill Wilson and Bob Smith, aided its membership to overcome alcoholism. Since that time dozens of other organisations have been derived from AA’s approach to address problems as varied as drug addiction, compulsive gambling, sex, and overeating. All twelve-step programmes utilise a version of AA’s suggested twelve steps first published in the 1939 book Alcoholics Anonymous: The Story of How More Than One Hundred Men Have Recovered from Alcoholism.

As summarised by the American Psychological Association (APA), the process involves the following:

  • Admitting that one cannot control one’s alcoholism, addiction, or compulsion;
  • Coming to believe in a Higher Power that can give strength;
  • Examining past errors with the help of a sponsor (experienced member);
  • Making amends for these errors;
  • Learning to live a new life with a new code of behaviour; and
  • Helping others who suffer from the same alcoholism, addictions, or compulsions.

Overview

Twelve-step methods have been adapted to address a wide range of alcoholism, substance abuse, and dependency problems. Over 200 mutual aid organisations – often known as fellowships—with a worldwide membership of millions have adopted and adapted AA’s 12 Steps and 12 Traditions for recovery. Narcotics Anonymous was formed by addicts who did not relate to the specifics of alcohol dependency.

Demographic preferences related to the addicts’ drug of choice has led to the creation of Cocaine Anonymous, Crystal Meth Anonymous and Marijuana Anonymous. Behavioural issues such as compulsion for or addiction to gambling, crime, food, sex, hoarding, getting into debt and work are addressed in fellowships such as Gamblers Anonymous, Overeaters Anonymous, Sexaholics Anonymous and Debtors Anonymous.

Auxiliary groups such as Al-Anon and Nar-Anon, for friends and family members of alcoholics and addicts, respectively, are part of a response to treating addiction as a disease that is enabled by family systems. Adult Children of Alcoholics (ACA or ACOA) addresses the effects of growing up in an alcoholic or otherwise dysfunctional family. Co-Dependents Anonymous (CoDA) addresses compulsions related to relationships, referred to as co-dependency.

Brief History

Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), the first twelve-step fellowship, was founded in 1935 by Bill Wilson and Dr. Robert Holbrook Smith, known to AA members as “Bill W.” and “Dr. Bob”, in Akron, Ohio. In 1946 they formally established the twelve traditions to help deal with the issues of how various groups could relate and function as membership grew. The practice of remaining anonymous (using only one’s first names) when interacting with the general public was published in the first edition of the AA Big Book.

As AA chapters were increasing in number during the 1930s and 1940s, the guiding principles were gradually defined as the Twelve Traditions. A singleness of purpose emerged as Tradition Five: “Each group has but one primary purpose—to carry its message to the alcoholic who still suffers”. Consequently, drug addicts who do not suffer from the specifics of alcoholism involved in AA hoping for recovery technically are not welcome in “closed” meetings unless they have a desire to stop drinking alcohol.

The principles of AA have been used to form numerous other fellowships specifically designed for those recovering from various pathologies; each emphasizes recovery from the specific malady which brought the sufferer into the fellowship.

The Twelve Steps

The following are the original twelve steps as published by Alcoholics Anonymous:[11]

  1. We admitted we were powerless over alcohol—that our lives had become unmanageable.
  2. Came to believe that a power greater than ourselves could restore us to sanity.
  3. Made a decision to turn our will and our lives over to the care of God as we understood Him.
  4. Made a searching and fearless moral inventory of ourselves.
  5. Admitted to God, to ourselves, and to another human being the exact nature of our wrongs.
  6. Were entirely ready to have God remove all these defects of character.
  7. Humbly asked Him to remove our shortcomings.
  8. Made a list of all persons we had harmed, and became willing to make amends to them all.
  9. Made direct amends to such people wherever possible, except when to do so would injure them or others.
  10. Continued to take personal inventory, and when we were wrong, promptly admitted it.
  11. Sought through prayer and meditation to improve our conscious contact with God as we understood Him, praying only for knowledge of His will for us and the power to carry that out.
  12. Having had a spiritual awakening as the result of these steps, we tried to carry this message to alcoholics and to practice these principles in all our affairs.

Where other twelve-step groups have adapted the AA steps as guiding principles, step one is generally updated to reflect the focus of recovery. For example, in Overeaters Anonymous, the first step reads, “We admitted we were powerless over compulsive overeating—that our lives had become unmanageable.” The third step is also sometimes altered to remove gender-specific pronouns.

The Twelve Traditions

The Twelve Traditions accompany the Twelve Steps. The Traditions provide guidelines for group governance. They were developed in AA in order to help resolve conflicts in the areas of publicity, politics, religion, and finances. Alcoholics Anonymous’ Twelve Traditions are:

  1. Our common welfare should come first; personal recovery depends upon AA unity.
  2. For our group purpose there is but one ultimate authority—a loving God as He may express Himself in our group conscience. Our leaders are but trusted servants; they do not govern.
  3. The only requirement for AA membership is a desire to stop drinking.
  4. Each group should be autonomous except in matters affecting other groups or AA as a whole.
  5. Each group has but one primary purpose—to carry its message to the alcoholic who still suffers.
  6. An AA group ought never endorse, finance, or lend the AA name to any related facility or outside enterprise, lest problems of money, property, and prestige divert us from our primary purpose.
  7. Every AA group ought to be fully self-supporting, declining outside contributions.
  8. Alcoholics Anonymous should remain forever non-professional, but our service centers may employ special workers.
  9. AA, as such, ought never be organised; but we may create service boards or committees directly responsible to those they serve.
  10. Alcoholics Anonymous has no opinion on outside issues; hence the AA name ought never be drawn into public controversy.
  11. Our public relations policy is based on attraction rather than promotion; we need always to maintain personal anonymity at the level of press, radio, and films.
  12. Anonymity is the spiritual foundation of all our traditions, ever reminding us to place principles before personalities.

The Process

In the twelve-step programme, the human structure is symbolically represented in three dimensions: physical, mental, and spiritual. The problems the groups deal with are understood to manifest themselves in each dimension. For addicts and alcoholics, the physical dimension is best described by the allergy-like bodily reaction resulting in the compulsion to continue using substances even when it’s harmful or wanting to quit. The statement in the First Step that the individual is “powerless” over the substance-abuse related behaviour at issue refers to the lack of control over this compulsion, which persists despite any negative consequences that may be endured as a result.

The mental obsession is described as the cognitive processes that cause the individual to repeat the compulsive behaviour after some period of abstinence, either knowing that the result will be an inability to stop or operating under the delusion that the result will be different. The description in the First Step of the life of the alcoholic or addict as “unmanageable” refers to the lack of choice that the mind of the addict or alcoholic affords concerning whether to drink or use again. The illness of the spiritual dimension, or “spiritual malady,” is considered in all twelve-step groups to be self-centeredness. The process of working the steps is intended to replace self-centeredness with a growing moral consciousness and a willingness for self-sacrifice and unselfish constructive action. In twelve-step groups, this is known as a “spiritual awakening.” This should not be confused with abreaction, which produces dramatic, but temporary, changes. As a rule, in twelve-step fellowships, spiritual awakening occurs slowly over a period of time, although there are exceptions where members experience a sudden spiritual awakening.

In accordance with the First Step, twelve-step groups emphasize self-admission by members of the problem they are recovering from. It is in this spirit that members often identify themselves along with an admission of their problem, often as “Hi, I’m [first name only], and I’m an alcoholic”.

Sponsorship

A sponsor is a more experienced person in recovery who guides the less-experienced aspirant (“sponsee”) through the program’s twelve steps. New members in twelve-step programmes are encouraged to secure a relationship with at least one sponsor who both has a sponsor and has taken the twelve steps themselves. Publications from twelve-step fellowships emphasize that sponsorship is a “one on one” non-hierarchical relationship of shared experiences focused on working the Twelve Steps. According to Narcotics Anonymous:

Sponsors share their experience, strength, and hope with their sponsees… A sponsor’s role is not that of a legal adviser, a banker, a parent, a marriage counsellor, or a social worker. Nor is a sponsor a therapist offering some sort of professional advice. A sponsor is simply another addict in recovery who is willing to share his or her journey through the Twelve Steps.

Sponsors and sponsees participate in activities that lead to spiritual growth. Experiences in the programme are often shared by outgoing members with incoming members. This rotation of experience is often considered to have a great spiritual reward. These may include practices such as literature discussion and study, meditation, and writing. Completing the programme usually implies competency to guide newcomers which is often encouraged. Sponsees typically do their Fifth Step, review their moral inventory written as part of the Fourth Step, with their sponsor. The Fifth Step, as well as the Ninth Step, have been compared to confession and penitence. Michel Foucault, a French philosopher, noted such practices produce intrinsic modifications in the person—exonerating, redeeming and purifying them; relieves them of their burden of wrong, liberating them and promising salvation.

The personal nature of the behavioural issues that lead to seeking help in twelve-step fellowships results in a strong relationship between sponsee and sponsor. As the relationship is based on spiritual principles, it is unique and not generally characterised as “friendship”. Fundamentally, the sponsor has the single purpose of helping the sponsee recover from the behavioural problem that brought the sufferer into twelve-step work, which reflexively helps the sponsor recover.

A study of sponsorship as practiced in Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous found that providing direction and support to other alcoholics and addicts is associated with sustained abstinence for the sponsor, but suggested that there were few short-term benefits for the sponsee’s one-year sustained abstinence rate.

Effectiveness

Alcoholics Anonymous is the largest of all of the twelve-step programmes (from which all other twelve-step programmes are derived), followed by Narcotics Anonymous; the majority of twelve-step members are recovering from addiction to alcohol or other drugs. The majority of twelve-step programmes, however, address illnesses other than substance addiction. For example, the third-largest twelve-step programme, Al-Anon, assists family members and friends of people who have alcoholism and other addictions. About twenty percent of twelve-step programmes are for substance addiction recovery, the other eighty percent address a variety of problems from debt to depression. It would be an error to assume the effectiveness of twelve-step methods at treating problems in one domain translates to all or to another domain.

A 2020 Cochrane review of Alcoholics Anonymous showed that participation in AA resulted in more alcoholics being abstinent from alcohol and for longer periods of time than cognitive behavioural therapy and motivational enhancement therapy, and as effective as these in other measures. The 2020 review did not compare twelve step programmes to the use of disulfiram or naltrexone, though some patients did receive these medications. These medications are considered the standard of care in alcohol use disorder treatment among medical experts and have demonstrated efficacy in randomised controlled trials in promoting alcohol abstinence. A systematic review published in 2017 found that twelve-step programmes for reducing illicit drug use are neither better nor worse than other interventions.

Criticism

In the past, some medical professionals have criticised 12-step programmes as “a cult that relies on God as the mechanism of action” and as lacking any experimental evidence in favour of its efficacy. Ethical and operational issues had prevented robust randomised controlled trials from being conducted comparing 12-step programmes directly to other approaches. More recent studies employing non-randomised and quasi-experimental studies have shown 12-step programmes provide similar benefit compared to motivational enhancement therapy (MET) and cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), and were more effective in producing continuous abstinence and remission compared to these approaches.

Confidentiality

The Twelve Traditions encourage members to practice the spiritual principle of anonymity in the public media and members are also asked to respect each other’s confidentiality. This is a group norm, however, and not legally mandated; there are no legal consequences to discourage those attending twelve-step groups from revealing information disclosed during meetings. Statutes on group therapy do not encompass those associations that lack a professional therapist or clergyman to whom confidentiality and privilege might apply. Professionals and paraprofessionals who refer patients to these groups, to avoid both civil liability and licensure problems, have been advised that they should alert their patients that, at any time, their statements made in meetings may be disclosed.

Cultural Identity

One review warned of detrimental iatrogenic effects of twelve-step philosophy and labelled the organisations as cults, while another review asserts that these programs bore little semblance to religious cults and that the techniques used appeared beneficial to some. Another study found that a twelve-step program’s focus on self-admission of having a problem increases deviant stigma and strips members of their previous cultural identity, replacing it with the deviant identity. Another study asserts that the prior cultural identity may not be replaced entirely, but rather members found adapted a bicultural identity.

This page is based on the copyrighted Wikipedia article < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Twelve-step_program >; it is used under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License (CC-BY-SA). You may redistribute it, verbatim or modified, providing that you comply with the terms of the CC-BY-SA.