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What is Rigidity (Psychology)?

Introduction

In psychology, rigidity or mental rigidity refers to an obstinate inability to yield or a refusal to appreciate another person’s viewpoint or emotions characterised by a lack of empathy.

It can also refer to the tendency to perseverate, which is the inability to change habits and the inability to modify concepts and attitudes once developed. A specific example of rigidity is functional fixedness, which is a difficulty conceiving new uses for familiar objects.

Background

Rigidity is an ancient part of our human cognition. Systematic research on rigidity can be found tracing back to Gestalt psychologists, going as far back as the late 19th to early 20th century with Max Wertheimer, Wolfgang Köhler, and Kurt Koffka in Germany. With more than 100 years of research on the matter there is some established and clear data. Nonetheless, there is still much controversy surrounding several of the fundamental aspects of rigidity. In the early stages of approaching the idea of rigidity, it is treated as “a unidimensional continuum ranging from rigid at one end to flexible at the other”. This idea dates back to the 1800s and was later articulated by Charles Spearman who described it as mental inertia. Prior to 1960 many definitions for the term rigidity were afloat. One example includes Kurt Goldstein’s, which he stated, “adherence to a present performance in an inadequate way”, another being Milton Rokeach saying the definition was, “[the] inability to change one’s set when the objective conditions demand it”. Others have simplified rigidity down to stages for easy defining. Generally, it is agreed upon that it is evidenced by the identification of mental or behavioural sets.

Lewin and Kounin also proposed a theory of cognitive rigidity (also called Lewin-Kounin formulation) based on a Gestalt perspective and they used it to explain a behaviour in mentally retarded persons that is inflexible, repetitive, and unchanging. The theory proposed that it is caused by a greater “stiffness” or impermeability between inner-personal regions of individuals, which influence behaviour. Rigidity was particularly explored in Lewin’s views regarding the degree of differentiation among children. He posited that a mentally retarded child can be distinguished from the normal child due to the smaller capacity for dynamic rearrangement in terms of his psychical systems.

Mental Set

Mental sets represent a form of rigidity in which an individual behaves or believes in a certain way due to prior experience. The reverse of this is termed cognitive flexibility. These mental sets may not always be consciously recognised by the bearer. In the field of psychology, mental sets are typically examined in the process of problem solving, with an emphasis on the process of breaking away from particular mental sets into formulation of insight. Breaking mental sets in order to successfully resolve problems fall under three typical stages:

  1. Tendency to solve a problem in a fixed way;
  2. Unsuccessfully solving a problem using methods suggested by prior experience; and
  3. Realising that the solution requires different methods.

Components of high executive functioning, such as the interplay between working memory and inhibition, are essential to effective switching between mental sets for different situations. Individual differences in mental sets vary, with one study producing a variety of cautious and risky strategies in individual responses to a reaction time test.

Causes

Rigidity can be a learned behavioural trait for example the subject has a Parent, Boss or Teacher who demonstrated the same form of behaviour towards them

Stages

Rigidity has three different main “stages” of severity, although it never has to move to further stages.

  • The first stage is a strict perception that causes one to persist in their ways and be close-minded to other things.
  • The second involves a motive to defend the ego.
  • The third stage is that it is a part of one’s personality and you can see it in their perception, cognition, and social interactions.

Accompanying Externalising Behaviours

They could be external behaviours, such as the following:

  • Insistently repetitious behaviour.
  • Difficulty with unmet expectations.
  • Perfectionism.
  • Compulsions (as in OCD).
  • Perseveration.

Accompanying Internalising Behaviours

Internalizing behaviours also are shown:

  • Perfectionism.
  • Obsessions (as in OCD).

Associated Conditions

Cognitive Closure

Mental rigidity often features a high need for cognitive closure, meaning that they assign explanations prematurely to things with a determination that this is truth, finding that resolution of the dissonance as reassuring as finding the truth. Then, there is little reason to correct their unconscious misattributions if it would bring uncertainty back.

Autism Spectrum Disorder

Cognitive rigidity is one feature of autism and its spectrum (ASD), but is even included in what’s called the Broader Autism Phenotype, where a collection of autistic traits still fail to reach the level of ASD. This is one example of how rigidity does not show up as a single trait, but comes with a number of related traits.

Effects

Ethnocentrism

M. Rokeach tested for ethnocentrism’s relatedness to mental rigidity by using the California Ethnocentrism Scale (when measuring American college students’ views) and the California Attitude Scale (when measuring children’s views) before they were given what is called by cognitive scientists “the water jar problem.” This problem teaches students a set pattern for how to solve each one. Those that scored higher in ethnocentrism also showed attributes of rigidity such as persistence of mental sets and more complicated thought processes.

Strategies for Overcoming Rigidity

Consequences of Unfulfillment

If a person with cognitive rigidity does not fulfil their rigidly held expectations, the following could occur:

  • Agitation.
  • Aggression.
  • Self-injurious behaviour.
  • Depression.
  • Anxiety.
  • Suicidality.

These are clearly maladaptive, and so there must be other ways to overcome it.

On This Day … 25 November

People (Births)

  • 1938 – Erol Güngör, Turkish sociologist and psychologist (d. 1983).

Erol Gungor

Erol Güngör (25 November 1938 to 24 April 1983) was a Turkish sociologist, psychologist, and writer.

After spending a period in the Faculty of Law, Güngör graduated from the Faculty of Literature and Social Sciences of Istanbul University in 1961. He received his Ph.D. in 1965 with a thesis titled “Kelâmî (Verbal) Yapılarda Estetik Organizasyon”. Kenneth Hammond invited him to visit the University of Colorado. He became an associate professor with his thesis titled “Şahıslar arası Ihtilafların Çözümünde Lisanın Rolü” in 1970. He became an academic in the Faculty of Literature and Social Sciences of Istanbul University in 1975. He eventually became the president of Selçuk University in 1982.

He mostly studied culture, personality, customs, people and religion. He focused on the identity and cultural problems which Turkish people have faced in the last 150 years.

What is Personality Development Disorder?

Introduction

A personality development disorder is an inflexible and pervasive pattern of inner experience and behavior in children and adolescents, that markedly deviates from the expectations of the individual’s culture.

Personality development disorder is not recognised as a mental disorder in any of the medical manuals, such as the ICD-10 or the DSM-IV, nor the more recent DSM-5. DSM-IV allows the diagnosis of personality disorders in children and adolescents only as an exception. This diagnosis is currently proposed by a few authors in Germany. The term personality development disorder is used to emphasize the changes in personality development which might still take place and the open outcome during development. Personality development disorder is considered to be a childhood risk factor or early stage of a later personality disorder in adulthood.

Adults usually show personality patterns over a long duration of time. Children and adolescents however still show marked changes in personality development. Some of these children and adolescents have a hard time developing their personalities in an ordinary way. DSM-IV states, for example, that children and adolescents are at higher risk to develop an antisocial personality disorder if they showed signs of conduct disorder and attention deficit disorder before the age of 10. This led Adam & Breithaupt-Peters (2010) to the idea that these children and adolescents need to be looked at more carefully. The therapy which these children and adolescents need might be more intense and maybe even different from looking at the disorders traditionally. The concept of personality development disorders also focuses on the severity of the disorder and the poor prognosis. An early diagnosis might help to get the right treatment at an early stage and thus might help to prevent a personality disorder outcome in adulthood.

Description

Similar to the adult diagnosis personality disorder these children display enduring patterns of inner experience and behaviour deviating markedly from the expectations of the individual’s culture. These patterns are inflexible and pervasive across a broad range of personal and social situations, lead to clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational or other important areas of functioning and they are stable and of long duration (more than a year).

The term personality development disorder (Persönlichkeitsentwicklungsstörung) was first used in German by Spiel & Spiel (1987). Adam & Breithaupt-Peters (2010) adapted the term to a more modern concept and suggested the below definition.

Cause

Similar to adult personality disorders there are multiple causes and causal interactions for personality development disorders. In clinical practice it is important to view the disorder from multiple perspectives and from an individual perspective. Biological and neurological causes need to be observed just as much as psychosocial factors. Looking at the disorder from only one perspective (e.g. (s)he had a bad childhood) often results in ignorance of important other factors or causal interactions. This might be one of the main reasons why traditional treatment methods often fail with these disorders. Only a multi-perspective view can provide for a multi-dimensional treatment approach which seems to be the key for these disorders.

Diagnosis

The diagnosis personality development disorder should only be given carefully and after a longer period of evaluation. Also a thorough diagnostic evaluation is necessary. Parents should be questioned separately and together with the child or adolescent to evaluate the severity and duration of the problems. In addition standardised personality tests might be helpful. It is also useful to ask the family what treatment approaches they have already tried so far without success.

Definition

According to Adam und Breithaupt-Peters personality development disorders are defined as complex disorders:

  • Which show similarity to a certain type of personality disorder in adulthood.
  • Which persist over a long period of time (more than a year) and show a tendency towards being chronic.
  • Which have a severe negative impact on more than one important area of functioning or social life.
  • Which show resistance to traditional educational and therapeutic treatment methods.
  • Which result in a reduced insight into or ignorance of the own problem behaviour. The family usually suffers more than the child or adolescent and has a hard time dealing with the diminished introspection.
  • Which make positive interactions between the children/adolescents and other people merely impossible. Instead social collisions are part of everyday life.
  • Which threaten the social integration of the young person into a social life and might result in an emotional disability.

Treatment

Personality development disorders usually need a complex and multi-dimensional treatment approach (Adam & Breithaupt-Peters, 2010). Since the problems are complex, treatment needs to affect the conditions in all impaired functional and social areas. Both educational and therapeutic methods are helpful and problem and strength based approaches work hand in hand. Parents need to be included as well as the school environment. Treatment methods need to be flexible and adjustable to the individual situation. Even elements of social work can be helpful when supporting the families and in some cases medication might be necessary. When suicidal behaviours or self-injuries are prominent treatment might best be done in a hospital.

For some personality development disorders (e.g. borderline personality disorder) treatment methods from adults can be adapted (e.g. dialectical behaviour therapy, Miller et al., 2006).

References

Adam, A. & Breithaupt-Peters, M. (2010). Persönlichkeitentwicklungsstörungen bei Kindern und Jugendlichen. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer Verlag.

What is Persona (Psychology)?

Introduction

The persona, for Swiss psychiatrist Carl Jung, was the social face the individual presented to the world – “a kind of mask, designed on the one hand to make a definite impression upon others, and on the other to conceal the true nature of the individual.”

Jung’s Persona

Identification

According to Jung, the development of a viable social persona is a vital part of adapting to, and preparing for, adult life in the external social world. “A strong ego relates to the outside world through a flexible persona; identifications with a specific persona (doctor, scholar, artist, etc.) inhibits psychological development.” For Jung, “the danger is that [people] become identical with their personas—the professor with his textbook, the tenor with his voice.” The result could be “the shallow, brittle, conformist kind of personality which is ‘all persona’, with its excessive concern for ‘what people think'” – an unreflecting state of mind “in which people are utterly unconscious of any distinction between themselves and the world in which they live. They have little or no concept of themselves as beings distinct from what society expects of them.” The stage was set thereby for what Jung termed enantiodromia – the emergence of the repressed individuality from beneath the persona later in life: “the individual will either be completely smothered under an empty persona or an enantiodromia into the buried opposites will occur.”

Disintegration

“The breakdown of the persona constitutes the typically Jungian moment both in therapy and in development” – the “moment” when “that excessive commitment to collective ideals masking deeper individuality—the persona—breaks down… disintegrates.” Given Jung’s view that “the persona is a semblance… the dissolution of the persona is therefore absolutely necessary for individuation.” Nevertheless, the persona’s disintegration may lead to a state of chaos in the individual: “one result of the dissolution of the persona is the release of fantasy… disorientation.” As the individuation process gets under way, “the situation has thrown off the conventional husk and developed into a stark encounter with reality, with no false veils or adornments of any kind.”

Negative Restoration

One possible reaction to the resulting experience of archetypal chaos was what Jung called “the regressive restoration of the persona,” whereby the protagonist “laboriously tries to patch up his social reputation within the confines of a much more limited personality… pretending that he is as he was before the crucial experience.” Similarly in treatment there can be “the persona-restoring phase, which is an effort to maintain superficiality;” or even a longer phase designed not to promote individuation but to bring about what Jung caricatured as “the negative restoration of the persona” – that is to say, a reversion to the status quo.

Absence

The alternative is to endure living with the absence of the persona – and for Jung “the man with no persona… is blind to the reality of the world, which for him has merely the value of an amusing or fantastic playground.” Inevitably, the result of “the streaming in of the unconscious into the conscious realm, simultaneously with the dissolution of the ‘persona’ and the reduction of the directive force of consciousness, is a state of disturbed psychic equilibrium.” Those trapped at such a stage remain “blind to the world, hopeless dreamers… spectral Cassandras dreaded for their tactlessness, eternally misunderstood.”

Restoration

Restoration, the aim of individuation, “is not only achieved by work on the inside figures but also, as conditio sine qua non, by a readaptation in outer life” – including the recreation of a new and more viable persona. To “develop a stronger persona… might feel inauthentic, like learning to ‘play a role’… but if one cannot perform a social role then one will suffer.” One goal for individuation is for people to “develop a more realistic, flexible persona that helps them navigate in society but does not collide with nor hide their true self.” Eventually, “in the best case, the persona is appropriate and tasteful, a true reflection of our inner individuality and our outward sense of self.”

Later Developments

The persona has become one of the most widely adopted aspects of Jungian terminology, passing into almost common vocabulary: “a mask or shield which the person places between himself and the people around him, called by some psychiatrists the persona.” For Eric Berne, “the persona is formed during the years from six to twelve, when most children first go out on their own… to avoid unwanted entanglements or promote wanted ones.” He was interested in “the relationship between ego states and the Jungian persona,” and considered that “as an ad hoc attitude, persona is differentiated also from the more autonomous identity of Erik Erikson.” Perhaps more contentiously, in terms of life scripts, he distinguished “the Archetypes (corresponding to the magic figures in a script) and the Persona (which is the style the script is played in).”

Post-Jungians would loosely call the persona “the social archetype of the conformity archetype,” though Jung always distinguished the persona as an external function from those images of the unconscious he called archetypes. Thus, whereas Jung recommended conversing with archetypes as a therapeutic technique he himself had employed – “For decades I always turned to the anima when I felt my emotional behavior was disturbed, and I would speak with the anima about the images she communicated to me” – he stressed that “It would indeed be the height of absurdity if a man tried to have a conversation with his persona, which he recognized merely as a psychological means of relationship.”

Jordan Peterson

University of Toronto psychology professor Jordan Peterson, a well-known as an admirer of Jung’s work, uses Jungian terminology but reconfigures it into a model that divides the psychological world into the domains of nature and culture. The Great Father of culture is an archetypal force that shapes the potential of chaos into the actuality of order. In this framework, the persona would be the aspect of the personality that has been adapted to culture, more specifically to the social dominance hierarchy, which Peterson refers to as the competency hierarchy. People who refuse to submit to this social discipline or carry the responsibility inherent in having a role in the world remain as undifferentiated potential, known in more Jungian terms as Peter Pan syndrome, or the negative aspect of the puer aeternus.

Though Jung does not reference dominance hierarchies specifically, the above is broadly in accordance with his conception of the persona as defined in his Two Essays on Analytical Psychology:

“We can see how a neglected persona works, and what one must do to remedy the evil. Such people can avoid disappointments and an infinity of sufferings, scenes, and social catastrophes only by learning to see how men behave in the world. They must learn to understand what society expects of them; they must realize that there are factors and persons in the world far above them; they must know that what they do has a meaning for others.”

What is Paliperidone?

Introduction

Paliperidone, sold under the trade name Invega among others, is an atypical antipsychotic. It is mainly used to treat schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder.

It is marketed by Janssen Pharmaceuticals. An extended release formulation is available that uses the OROS extended release system to allow for once-daily dosing. Paliperidone palmitate is a long-acting injectable formulation of paliperidone palmitoyl ester.

It is on the World Health Organisation’s List of Essential Medicines.

Brief History

Paliperidone (as Invega) was approved by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for the treatment of schizophrenia in 2006. Paliperidone was approved by the FDA for the treatment of schizoaffective disorder in 2009. The long-acting injectable form of paliperidone, marketed as Invega Sustenna in US and Xeplion in Europe, was approved by the FDA on 31 July 2009. It is the only available brand in Bangladesh under the brand name “Palimax ER” manufactured & marketed by ACI Pharmaceuticals.

It was initially approved in Europe in 2007 for schizophrenia, the extended release form and use for schizoaffective disorder were approved in Europe in 2010, and extension to use in adolescents older than 15 years old was approved in 2014.

Medical Uses

It is used for the treatment of schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder.

Adverse Effects

  • Very Common (>10% incidence):
    • Headache.
    • Tachycardia.
    • Somnolence (causes less sedation than most atypical antipsychotics).
    • Insomnia.
    • Hyperprolactinaemia (seems to cause comparable prolactin elevation to its parent drug, risperidone).
    • Sexual Dysfunction.
  • Common (1-10% incidence):
    • Cough.
    • Extrapyramidal side effects (EPSE; e.g. dystonia, akathisia, muscle rigidity, parkinsonism. It appears to produce similar EPSE to risperidone, asenapine and ziprasidone and more EPSE than olanzapine, clozapine, aripiprazole, quetiapine, amisulpride and sertindole).
    • Orthostatic hypotension.
    • Weight gain (tends to produce a moderate degree of weight gain, possibly related to its potent blockade of the 5-HT2C receptor).
    • QT interval prolongation (tends to produce less QT interval prolongation than most other atypical antipsychotics and approximately as much QT interval prolongation as aripiprazole and lurasidone).
    • Nasopharyngitis.
    • Anxiety.
    • Indigestion.
    • Constipation.

Discontinuation

The British National Formulary recommends a gradual withdrawal when discontinuing antipsychotics to avoid acute withdrawal syndrome or rapid relapse. Symptoms of withdrawal commonly include nausea, vomiting, and loss of appetite. Other symptoms may include restlessness, increased sweating, and trouble sleeping. Less commonly there may be a feeling of the world spinning, numbness, or muscle pains. Symptoms generally resolve after a short period of time.

There is tentative evidence that discontinuation of antipsychotics can result in psychosis. It may also result in reoccurrence of the condition that is being treated. Rarely tardive dyskinesia can occur when the medication is stopped.

Deaths

In April 2014, it was reported that 21 Japanese people who had received shots of the long-acting injectable paliperidone to date had died, out of 10,700 individuals prescribed the drug.

Pharmacology

Paliperidone is the primary active metabolite of the older antipsychotic risperidone. While its specific mechanism of action is unknown, it is believed paliperidone and risperidone act via similar, if not identical, pathways. Its efficacy is believed to result from central dopaminergic and serotonergic antagonism. Food is known to increase the absorption of Invega type ER OROS prolonged-release tablets. Food increased exposure of paliperidone by up to 50-60%, however, half-life was not significantly affected. The effect was probably due to a delay in the transit of the ER OROS formulation in the upper part of the GI channel, resulting in increased absorption.

The half-life is 23 hours.

Risperidone and its metabolite paliperidone are reduced in efficacy by P-glycoprotein inducers such as St John’s wort.

Brand Names

On 18 May 2015, a new formulation of paliperidone palmitate was approved by the FDA under the brand name Invega Trinza. A similar 3 -monthly injection of prolonged release suspension was approved in 2016 by the European Medicines Agency originally under the brand name Paliperidone Janssen, later renamed to Trevicta. On 01 September 2021, a newer formulation of paliperidone palmitate, Invega Hafyera, was approved by the FDA which is available as an injection every six months.

On This Day … 24 November

People (Births)

Claudio Naranjo

Claudio Benjamín Naranjo Cohen (24 November 1932 to 12 July 2019) was a Chilean-born psychiatrist of Arabic/Moorish, Spanish and Jewish descent who is considered a pioneer in integrating psychotherapy and the spiritual traditions.

He was one of the three successors named by Fritz Perls (founder of Gestalt Therapy), a principal developer of Enneagram of Personality theories and a founder of the Seekers After Truth Institute. He was also an elder statesman of the US and global human potential movement and the spiritual renaissance of the late 20th century. He was the author of various books.

Margaret Wetherell

Margaret Wetherell (born 24 November 1954), is a prominent academic in the area of discourse analysis.

Career

Wetherell worked for 23 years at the Open University, UK from which she retired as Emeritus Professor in 2011. She then took up a part-time post of Professor in Psychology at the University of Auckland, New Zealand.

Work

Wetherell has promoted a discursive approach to psychology. Her 1987 book, Discourse and Social Psychology: Beyond Attitudes and Behaviour, cowritten with Jonathan Potter, was very influential, particularly in social psychology, though also in other fields (e.g. Wood & Kroger, 2000). While discourse analysis has many different meanings, Wetherell’s approach has been quite catholic in line with other anglophone discourse analysts like Gilbert & Mulkay (1984).

In 2010/11 she led a collaboration on identity funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC).

What is Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder?

Introduction

Obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) is a mental and behavioural disorder in which a person has intrusive thoughts (called “obsessions”) and/or feels the need to perform certain routines repeatedly (called “compulsions”) to an extent where it induces distress or impairs one’s general functioning.

Obsessions are unwanted and persistent thoughts, mental images or urges. These obsessions generate feelings of anxiety, disgust, or unease. Some common obsessions include but are not limited to fear of contamination, obsession with symmetry, and unwanted thoughts about religion, sex, and/or harm.

Some compulsions include but are not limited to excessive hand washing or cleaning, arranging things in a particular way, having to perform actions according to specific rules, counting, constantly seeking reassurance, and compulsive checking behaviour. Most adults are aware that the behaviours do not make sense. Compulsions are done to achieve relief from the distress caused by obsessions. These compulsions occur to such a degree that the person’s daily life is negatively affected. They typically take up at least an hour of each day but can fill a person’s day in severe cases. The condition is associated with tics, anxiety disorder, and an increased risk of suicide.

The cause is unknown. There appear to be some genetic components, with both identical twins more often affected than both non-identical twins. Risk factors include a history of child abuse or other stress-inducing events. Some cases have been documented to occur following streptococcal infections. The diagnosis is based on the symptoms and requires ruling out other drug-related or medical causes. Rating scales such as the Yale-Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale (Y-BOCS) can be used to assess the severity. Other disorders with similar symptoms include anxiety disorder, major depressive disorder, eating disorders, tic disorders, and obsessive-compulsive personality disorder.

Treatment may involve psychotherapy, such as cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), and antidepressants, such as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) or clomipramine. CBT for OCD involves increasing exposure to fears and obsessions while preventing the compulsive behaviour that would normally accompany the obsessions. Contrary to this, metacognitive therapy encourages the ritual behaviours in order to alter the relationship to one’s thoughts about them. While clomipramine appears to work as well as do SSRIs, it has greater side effects and thus is typically reserved as a second-line treatment. Atypical antipsychotics may be useful when used in addition to an SSRI in treatment-resistant cases but are also associated with an increased risk of side effects. Without treatment, the condition often lasts decades.

Obsessive-compulsive disorder affects about 2.3% of people at some point in their lives while rates during any given year are about 1.2%. It is unusual for symptoms to begin after the age of 35, and half of people develop problems before 20. Males and females are affected about equally and OCD occurs worldwide. The phrase obsessive-compulsive is sometimes used in an informal manner unrelated to OCD to describe someone as being excessively meticulous, perfectionistic, absorbed, or otherwise fixated.

Brief History

In the 7th century AD, John Climacus records an instance of a young monk plagued by constant and overwhelming “temptations to blasphemy” consulting an older monk,  who told him, “My son, I take upon myself all the sins which these temptations have led you, or may lead you, to commit. All I require of you is that for the future you pay no attention to them whatsoever.”  The Cloud of Unknowing, a Christian mystical text from the late 14th century, recommends dealing with recurring obsessions by first attempting to ignore them,  and, if that fails, “cower under them like a poor wretch and a coward overcome in battle, and reckon it to be a waste of your time for you to strive any longer against them”,  a technique now known as “emotional flooding”. 

From the 14th to the 16th century in Europe, it was believed that people who experienced blasphemous, sexual or other obsessive thoughts were possessed by the devil.  Based on this reasoning, treatment involved banishing the “evil” from the “possessed” person through exorcism. The vast majority of people who thought that they were possessed by the devil did not suffer from hallucinations or other “spectacular symptoms”,  but “complained of anxiety, religious fears, and evil thoughts.”  In 1584, a woman from Kent, England, named Mrs. Davie, described by a justice of the peace as “a good wife”,  was nearly burned at the stake after she confessed that she experienced constant, unwanted urges to murder her family.

The English term obsessive-compulsive arose as a translation of German Zwangsvorstellung (‘obsession’) used in the first conceptions of OCD by Carl Westphal. Westphal’s description went on to influence Pierre Janet, who further documented features of OCD. In the early 1910s, Sigmund Freud attributed obsessive-compulsive behaviour to unconscious conflicts that manifest as symptoms. Freud describes the clinical history of a typical case of “touching phobia” as starting in early childhood, when the person has a strong desire to touch an item. In response, the person develops an “external prohibition” against this type of touching. However, this “prohibition does not succeed in abolishing” the desire to touch; all it can do is repress the desire and “force it into the unconscious.” Freudian psychoanalysis remained the dominant treatment for OCD until the mid-1980s,  even though medicinal and therapeutic treatments were known and available, because it was widely thought that these treatments would be detrimental to the effectiveness of the psychotherapy.  In the mid-1980s, this approach changed  and practitioners began treating OCD primarily with medicine and practical therapy rather than through psychoanalysis.

Notable Cases

John Bunyan (1628-1688), the author of The Pilgrim’s Progress, displayed symptoms of OCD (which had not yet been named).  During the most severe period of his condition, he would mutter the same phrase over and over again to himself while rocking back and forth.  He later described his obsessions in his autobiography Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sinners,  stating, “These things may seem ridiculous to others, even as ridiculous as they were in themselves, but to me they were the most tormenting cogitations.”  He wrote two pamphlets advising those suffering from similar anxieties.  In one of them, he warns against indulging in compulsions:  “Have care of putting off your trouble of spirit in the wrong way: by promising to reform yourself and lead a new life, by your performances or duties”.

British poet, essayist and lexicographer Samuel Johnson (1709-1784) also suffered from OCD.  He had elaborate rituals for crossing the thresholds of doorways, and repeatedly walked up and down staircases counting the steps.  He would touch every post on the street as he walked past,  only step in the middles of paving stones,  and repeatedly perform tasks as though they had not been done properly the first time. 

The American aviator and filmmaker Howard Hughes is known to have had OCD. Friends of Hughes have also mentioned his obsession with minor flaws in clothing. This was conveyed in The Aviator (2004), a film biography of Hughes.

Signs and Symptoms

OCD can present with a wide variety of symptoms. Certain groups of symptoms usually occur together. These groups are sometimes viewed as dimensions or clusters that may reflect an underlying process. The standard assessment tool for OCD, the Yale-Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale (Y-BOCS), has 13 predefined categories of symptoms. These symptoms fit into three to five groupings. A meta-analytic review of symptom structures found a four-factor structure (grouping) to be most reliable. The observed groups included a “symmetry factor”, a “forbidden thoughts factor”, a “cleaning factor”, and a “hoarding factor”. The “symmetry factor” correlated highly with obsessions related to ordering, counting, and symmetry, as well as repeating compulsions. The “forbidden thoughts factor” correlated highly with intrusive and distressing thoughts of a violent, religious, or sexual nature. The “cleaning factor” correlated highly with obsessions about contamination and compulsions related to cleaning. The “hoarding factor” only involved hoarding-related obsessions and compulsions and was identified as being distinct from other symptom groupings.

While OCD has been considered a homogeneous disorder from a neuropsychological perspective, many of the putative neuropsychological deficits may be the result of comorbid disorders. Furthermore, some subtypes have been associated with improvement in performance on certain tasks such as pattern recognition (washing subtype) and spatial working memory (obsessive thought subtype). Subgroups have also been distinguished by neuroimaging findings and treatment response. Neuroimaging studies on this have been too few, and the subtypes examined have differed too much to draw any conclusions. On the other hand, subtype-dependent treatment response has been studied, and the hoarding subtype has consistently responded least to treatment.

The phrase obsessive-compulsive is sometimes used in an informal manner unrelated to OCD to describe someone as being excessively meticulous, perfectionistic, absorbed, or otherwise fixated.

Obsessions

Obsessions are thoughts that recur and persist despite efforts to ignore or confront them. People with OCD frequently perform tasks, or compulsions, to seek relief from obsession-related anxiety. Within and among individuals, the initial obsessions or intrusive thoughts vary in their clarity and vividness. A relatively vague obsession could involve a general sense of disarray or tension accompanied by a belief that life cannot proceed as normal while the imbalance remains. A more intense obsession could be a preoccupation with the thought or image of a close family member or friend dying or intrusions related to “relationship rightness”. Other obsessions concern the possibility that someone or something other than oneself – such as God, the devil or disease – will harm either the person or the people or things about which the person cares. Other individuals with OCD may experience the sensation of invisible protrusions emanating from their bodies or feel that inanimate objects are ensouled.

Some people with OCD experience sexual obsessions that may involve intrusive thoughts or images of “kissing, touching, fondling, oral sex, anal sex, intercourse, incest and rape” with “strangers, acquaintances, parents, children, family members, friends, coworkers, animals and religious figures”, and can include “heterosexual or homosexual content” with persons of any age. As with other intrusive, unpleasant thoughts or images, some disquieting sexual thoughts at times are normal, but people with OCD may attach extraordinary significance to the thoughts. For example, obsessive fears about sexual orientation can appear to the person with OCD, and even to those around him or her, as a crisis of sexual identity. Furthermore, the doubt that accompanies OCD leads to uncertainty regarding whether one might act on the troubling thoughts, resulting in self-criticism or self-loathing.

Most people with OCD understand that their notions do not correspond with reality; however, they feel that they must act as though their notions are correct. For example, an individual who engages in compulsive hoarding might be inclined to treat inorganic matter as if it had the sentience or rights of living organisms, while accepting that such behaviour is irrational on a more intellectual level. There is a debate as to whether hoarding should be considered with other OCD symptoms.

OCD sometimes manifests without overt compulsions, which may be termed primarily obsessional OCD. OCD without overt compulsions could, by one estimate, characterise as many as 50-60% of OCD cases.

Compulsions

Some people with OCD perform compulsive rituals because they inexplicably feel that they must do so, while others act compulsively to mitigate the anxiety that stems from obsessive thoughts. The person might feel that these actions will somehow either prevent a dreaded event from occurring or will push the event from his or her thoughts. In any case, the person’s reasoning is so idiosyncratic or distorted that it results in significant distress for the person or for those around him or her. Excessive skin picking, hair pulling, nail biting and other body-focused repetitive behaviour disorders are all on the obsessive-compulsive spectrum. Some individuals with OCD are aware that their behaviours are not rational, but feel compelled to follow through with them to fend off feelings of panic or dread.

Some common compulsions include hand washing, cleaning, checking things (such as locks on doors), repeating actions (such as turning on and off switches), ordering items in a certain way and requesting reassurance. Compulsions are different from tics (such as touching, tapping, rubbing or blinking) and stereotyped movements (such as head banging, body rocking or self-biting), which are usually not as complex and are not precipitated by obsessions. It can sometimes be difficult to tell the difference between compulsions and complex tics. About 10% to 40% of individuals with OCD also have a lifetime tic disorder.

People rely on compulsions as an escape from their obsessive thoughts; however, they are aware that the relief is only temporary, and that the intrusive thoughts will soon return. Some people use compulsions to avoid situations that may trigger their obsessions. Compulsions may be actions directly related to the obsession, such as someone obsessed with contamination compulsively washing their hands, but they can be unrelated actions as well.

Although some people perform actions repeatedly, they do not necessarily perform these actions compulsively. For example, bedtime routines, learning a new skill and religious practices are not compulsions. Whether behaviours are compulsions or mere habit depends on the context in which the behaviours are performed. For example, arranging and ordering books for eight hours a day would be expected of one who works in a library, but would seem abnormal in other situations. In other words, habits tend to bring efficiency to one’s life, while compulsions tend to disrupt it.

In addition to experiencing the anxiety and fear that typically accompany OCD, sufferers may spend hours performing such compulsions every day. In such situations, it can become difficult for the person to fulfil his or her work, family or social roles. In some cases, these behaviours can also cause adverse physical symptoms. For example, people who obsessively wash their hands with antibacterial soap and hot water can make their skin red and raw with dermatitis.

People with OCD can use rationalisations to explain their behaviour; however, these rationalisations do not apply to the overall behaviour but to each instance individually. For example, a person compulsively checking the front door may argue that the time taken and stress caused by one more check is much less than the time and stress associated with being robbed, and thus checking is the better option. In practice, after that check, the person is still not sure and deems it is better to perform one more check, and this reasoning can continue for as long as necessary.

In cognitive behavioural therapy, OCD patients are asked to overcome intrusive thoughts by not indulging in any compulsions. They are taught that rituals keep OCD strong, while not performing them causes the OCD to become weaker. For body-focused repetitive behaviours (BFRB), such as trichotillomania, skin picking and onychophagia (nail biting), behavioural interventions such as habit reversal training and decoupling are recommended for the treatment of compulsive behaviours.

Insight

The DSM-V contains three specifiers for the level of insight in OCD. Good or fair insight is characterised by the acknowledgment that obsessive-compulsive beliefs are or may not be true. Poor insight is characterised by the belief that obsessive-compulsive beliefs are probably true. Absence of insight makes obsessive-compulsive beliefs delusional thoughts, and occurs in about 4% of people with OCD.

Overvalued Ideas

Some people with OCD exhibit what is known as overvalued ideas. In such cases, the person with OCD will truly be uncertain whether the fears that cause them to perform their compulsions are irrational. After some discussion, it is possible to convince the individual that their fears may be unfounded. It may be more difficult to practice ERP therapy on such people because they may be unwilling to cooperate, at least initially. There are severe cases in which the person has an unshakable belief in the context of OCD that is difficult to differentiate from psychotic disorders.

Cognitive Performance

Though OCD was once believed to be associated with above-average intelligence, this does not appear to necessarily be the case. A 2013 review reported that people with OCD may sometimes have mild but wide-ranging cognitive deficits, most significantly those affecting spatial memory and to a lesser extent with verbal memory, fluency, executive function and processing speed, while auditory attention was not significantly affected. People with OCD show impairment in formulating an organisational strategy for coding information, set-shifting and motor and cognitive inhibition.

Specific subtypes of symptom dimensions in OCD have been associated with specific cognitive deficits. For example, the results of one meta-analysis comparing washing and checking symptoms reported that washers outperformed checkers on eight out of ten cognitive tests. The symptom dimension of contamination and cleaning may be associated with higher scores on tests of inhibition and verbal memory.

Children

Approximately 1-2% of children are affected by OCD. Obsessive-compulsive disorder symptoms tend to develop more frequently in children 10-14 years of age, with males displaying symptoms at an earlier age and at a more severe level than do females. In children, symptoms can be grouped into at least four types.

Associated Conditions

People with OCD may be diagnosed with other conditions as well as, or instead of, OCD, such as obsessive-compulsive personality disorder, major depressive disorder, bipolar disorder, generalised anxiety disorder, anorexia nervosa, social anxiety disorder, bulimia nervosa, Tourette syndrome, transformation obsession, autism spectrum disorder, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, dermatillomania (compulsive skin picking), body dysmorphic disorder and trichotillomania (hair pulling). More than 50% of people with OCD experience suicidal tendencies, and 15% have attempted suicide. Depression, anxiety and prior suicide attempts increase the risk of future suicide attempts.

Individuals with OCD have also been found to be affected by delayed sleep phase syndrome at a substantially higher rate than is the general public. Moreover, severe OCD symptoms are consistently associated with greater sleep disturbance. Reduced total sleep time and sleep efficiency have been observed in people with OCD, with delayed sleep onset and offset and an increased prevalence of delayed sleep phase disorder.

Some research has demonstrated a link between drug addiction and OCD. For example, there is a higher risk of drug addiction among those with any anxiety disorder (possibly as a way of coping with the heightened levels of anxiety), but drug addiction among people with OCD may serve as a type of compulsive behaviour and not just as a coping mechanism. Depression is also extremely prevalent among people with OCD. One explanation for the high depression rate among OCD populations was posited by Mineka, Watson and Clark (1998), who explained that people with OCD (or any other anxiety disorder) may feel depressed because of an “out of control” type of feeling.

Someone exhibiting OCD signs does not necessarily have OCD. Behaviours that present as (or seem to be) obsessive or compulsive can also be found in a number of other conditions, including obsessive-compulsive personality disorder (OCPD), autism spectrum disorder or disorders in which perseveration is a possible feature (ADHD, PTSD, bodily disorders or habit problems), or subclinically.

Some with OCD present with features typically associated with Tourette syndrome, such as compulsions that may appear to resemble motor tics; this has been termed “tic-related OCD” or “Tourettic OCD”.

OCD frequently occurs comorbidly with both bipolar disorder and major depressive disorder. Between 60 and 80% of those with OCD experience a major depressive episode in their lifetime. Comorbidity rates have been reported at between 19 and 90% because of methodological differences. Between 9-35% of those with bipolar disorder also have OCD, compared to 1-2% in the general population. About 50% of those with OCD experience cyclothymic traits or hypomanic episodes. OCD is also associated with anxiety disorders. Lifetime comorbidity for OCD has been reported at 22% for specific phobia, 18% for social anxiety disorder, 12% for panic disorder, and 30% for generalized anxiety disorder. The comorbidity rate for OCD and ADHD has been reported to be as high as 51%.

Causes

Refer to Causes of OCD.

The cause is unknown. Both environmental and genetic factors are believed to play a role. Risk factors include a history of child abuse or other stress-inducing event.

Drug-Induced OCD

Many different types of medication can create/induce OCD in patients without previous symptoms. A new chapter about OCD in the DSM-5 (2013) now specifically includes drug-induced OCD.

Atypical antipsychotics (second-generation antipsychotics) such as olanzapine (Zyprexa) have been proven to induce de novo OCD in patients.

Genetics

There appear to be some genetic components with identical twins more often affected than non-identical twins. Further, individuals with OCD are more likely to have first-degree family members exhibiting the same disorders than do matched controls. In cases in which OCD develops during childhood, there is a much stronger familial link in the disorder than with cases in which OCD develops later in adulthood. In general, genetic factors account for 45-65% of the variability in OCD symptoms in children diagnosed with the disorder. A 2007 study found evidence supporting the possibility of a heritable risk for OCD.

A mutation has been found in the human serotonin transporter gene hSERT in unrelated families with OCD.

A systematic review found that while neither allele was associated with OCD overall, in Caucasians the L allele was associated with OCD. Another meta-analysis observed an increased risk in those with the homozygous S allele, but found the LS genotype to be inversely associated with OCD.

A genome-wide association study found OCD to be linked with SNPs near BTBD3 and two SNPs in DLGAP1 in a trio-based analysis, but no SNP reached significance when analysed with case-control data.

One meta-analysis found a small but significant association between a polymorphism in SLC1A1 and OCD.

The relationship between OCD and COMT has been inconsistent, with one meta-analysis reporting a significant association, albeit only in men, and another meta analysis reporting no association.

It has been postulated by evolutionary psychologists that moderate versions of compulsive behaviour may have had evolutionary advantages. Examples would be moderate constant checking of hygiene, the hearth or the environment for enemies. Similarly, hoarding may have had evolutionary advantages. In this view, OCD may be the extreme statistical “tail” of such behaviours, possibly the result of a high number of predisposing genes.

Autoimmune

A controversial hypothesis is that some cases of rapid onset of OCD in children and adolescents may be caused by a syndrome connected to Group A streptococcal infections known as paediatric autoimmune neuropsychiatric disorders associated with streptococcal infections (PANDAS). OCD and tic disorders are hypothesized to arise in a subset of children as a result of a post-streptococcal autoimmune process. The PANDAS hypothesis is unconfirmed and unsupported by data, and two new categories have been proposed: PANS (paediatric acute-onset neuropsychiatric syndrome) and CANS (childhood acute neuropsychiatric syndrome). The CANS/PANS hypotheses include different possible mechanisms underlying acute-onset neuropsychiatric conditions, but do not exclude GABHS infections as a cause in a subset of individuals. PANDAS, PANS and CANS are the focus of clinical and laboratory research but remain unproven. Whether PANDAS is a distinct entity differing from other cases of tic disorders or OCD is debated.

A review of studies examining anti-basal ganglia antibodies in OCD found an increased risk of having anti-basal ganglia antibodies in those with OCD versus the general population.

Mechanisms

Neuroimaging

Functional neuroimaging during symptom provocation has observed abnormal activity in the orbitofrontal cortex, left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, right premotor cortex, left superior temporal gyrus, globus pallidus externus, hippocampus and right uncus. Weaker foci of abnormal activity were found in the left caudate, posterior cingulate cortex and superior parietal lobule. However, an older meta-analysis of functional neuroimaging in OCD reported that the only consistent functional neuroimaging finding was increased activity in the orbital gyrus and head of the caudate nucleus, while ACC activation abnormalities were too inconsistent. A meta-analysis comparing affective and nonaffective tasks observed differences with controls in regions implicated in salience, habit, goal-directed behaviour, self-referential thinking and cognitive control. For nonaffective tasks, hyperactivity was observed in the insula, ACC, and head of the caudate/putamen, while hypoactivity was observed in the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) and posterior caudate. Affective tasks were observed to relate to increased activation in the precuneus and posterior cingulate cortex (PCC), while decreased activation was found in the pallidum, ventral anterior thalamus and posterior caudate. The involvement of the cortico-striato-thalamo-cortical loop in OCD as well as the high rates of comorbidity between OCD and ADHD have led some to draw a link in their mechanism. Observed similarities include dysfunction of the anterior cingulate cortex and prefrontal cortex, as well as shared deficits in executive functions. The involvement of the orbitofrontal cortex and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex in OCD is shared with bipolar disorder and may explain the high degree of comorbidity. Decreased volumes of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex related to executive function has also been observed in OCD.

People with OCD evince increased grey matter volumes in bilateral lenticular nuclei, extending to the caudate nuclei, with decreased grey matter volumes in bilateral dorsal medial frontal/anterior cingulate gyri. These findings contrast with those in people with other anxiety disorders, who evince decreased (rather than increased) grey matter volumes in bilateral lenticular/caudate nuclei, as well as decreased grey matter volumes in bilateral dorsal medial frontal/anterior cingulate gyri. Increased white matter volume and decreased fractional anisotropy in anterior midline tracts has been observed in OCD, possibly indicating increased fibre crossings.

Cognitive models
Generally two categories of models for OCD have been postulated, the first involving deficits in executive function, and the second involving deficits in modulatory control. The first category of executive dysfunction is based on the observed structural and functional abnormalities in the dlPFC, striatum and thalamus. The second category involving dysfunctional modulatory control primarily relies on observed functional and structural differences in the ACC, mPFC and OFC.[91][92]

One proposed model suggests that dysfunction in the OFC leads to improper valuation of behaviors and decreased behavioral control, while the observed alterations in amygdala activations leads to exaggerated fears and representations of negative stimuli.[93]

Because of the heterogeneity of OCD symptoms, studies differentiating various symptoms have been performed. Symptom-specific neuroimaging abnormalities include the hyperactivity of caudate and ACC in checking rituals, while finding increased activity of cortical and cerebellar regions in contamination-related symptoms. Neuroimaging differentiating content of intrusive thoughts has found differences between aggressive as opposed to taboo thoughts, finding increased connectivity of the amygdala, ventral striatum and ventromedial prefrontal cortex in aggressive symptoms while observing increased connectivity between the ventral striatum and insula in sexual/religious intrusive thoughts.[94]

Another model proposes that affective dysregulation links excessive reliance on habit-based action selection[95] with compulsions. This is supported by the observation that those with OCD demonstrate decreased activation of the ventral striatum when anticipating monetary reward, as well as increased functional connectivity between the VS and the OFC. Furthermore, those with OCD demonstrate reduced performance in Pavlovian fear-extinction tasks, hyperresponsiveness in the amygdala to fearful stimuli, and hyporesponsiveness in the amygdala when exposed to positively valanced stimuli. Stimulation of the nucleus accumbens has also been observed to effectively alleviate both obsessions and compulsions, supporting the role of affective dysregulation in generating both.

Cognitive Models

Generally two categories of models for OCD have been postulated, the first involving deficits in executive function, and the second involving deficits in modulatory control. The first category of executive dysfunction is based on the observed structural and functional abnormalities in the dlPFC, striatum and thalamus. The second category involving dysfunctional modulatory control primarily relies on observed functional and structural differences in the ACC, mPFC and OFC.

One proposed model suggests that dysfunction in the OFC leads to improper valuation of behaviours and decreased behavioural control, while the observed alterations in amygdala activations leads to exaggerated fears and representations of negative stimuli.

Because of the heterogeneity of OCD symptoms, studies differentiating various symptoms have been performed. Symptom-specific neuroimaging abnormalities include the hyperactivity of caudate and ACC in checking rituals, while finding increased activity of cortical and cerebellar regions in contamination-related symptoms. Neuroimaging differentiating content of intrusive thoughts has found differences between aggressive as opposed to taboo thoughts, finding increased connectivity of the amygdala, ventral striatum and ventromedial prefrontal cortex in aggressive symptoms while observing increased connectivity between the ventral striatum and insula in sexual/religious intrusive thoughts.

Another model proposes that affective dysregulation links excessive reliance on habit-based action selection with compulsions. This is supported by the observation that those with OCD demonstrate decreased activation of the ventral striatum when anticipating monetary reward, as well as increased functional connectivity between the VS and the OFC. Furthermore, those with OCD demonstrate reduced performance in Pavlovian fear-extinction tasks, hyperresponsiveness in the amygdala to fearful stimuli, and hyporesponsiveness in the amygdala when exposed to positively valanced stimuli. Stimulation of the nucleus accumbens has also been observed to effectively alleviate both obsessions and compulsions, supporting the role of affective dysregulation in generating both.

Neurobiological

From the observation of the efficacy of antidepressants in OCD, a serotonin hypothesis of OCD has been formulated. Studies of peripheral markers of serotonin, as well as challenges with proserotonergic compounds have yielded inconsistent results, including evidence pointing towards basal hyperactivity of serotonergic systems. Serotonin receptor and transporter binding studies have yielded conflicting results, including higher and lower serotonin receptor 5-HT2A and serotonin transporter binding potentials that were normalised by treatment with SSRIs. Despite inconsistencies in the types of abnormalities found, evidence points towards dysfunction of serotonergic systems in OCD. Orbitofrontal cortex overactivity is attenuated in people who have successfully responded to SSRI medication, a result believed to be caused by increased stimulation of serotonin receptors 5-HT2A and 5-HT2C.

A complex relationship between dopamine and OCD has been observed. Although antipsychotics, which act by antagonising dopamine receptors may improve some cases of OCD, they frequently exacerbate others. Antipsychotics, in the low doses used to treat OCD, may actually increase the release of dopamine in the prefrontal cortex, through inhibiting autoreceptors. Further complicating things is the efficacy of amphetamines, decreased dopamine transporter activity observed in OCD, and low levels of D2 binding in the striatum.[100] Furthermore, increased dopamine release in the nucleus accumbens after deep brain stimulation correlates with improvement in symptoms, pointing to reduced dopamine release in the striatum playing a role in generating symptoms.

Abnormalities in glutamatergic neurotransmission have implicated in OCD. Findings such as increased cerebrospinal glutamate, less consistent abnormalities observed in neuroimaging studies and the efficacy of some glutamatergic drugs such as the glutamate-inhibiting riluzole have implicated glutamate in OCD. OCD has been associated with reduced N-Acetylaspartic acid in the mPFC, which is thought to reflect neuron density or functionality, although the exact interpretation has not been established.

Diagnosis

Formal diagnosis may be performed by a psychologist, psychiatrist, clinical social worker, or other licensed mental health professional. To be diagnosed with OCD, a person must have obsessions, compulsions, or both, according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). The Quick Reference to the 2000 edition of the DSM states that several features characterize clinically significant obsessions and compulsions, and that such obsessions are recurrent and persistent thoughts, impulses or images that are experienced as intrusive and that cause marked anxiety or distress. These thoughts, impulses or images are of a degree or type that lies outside the normal range of worries about conventional problems. A person may attempt to ignore or suppress such obsessions, or to neutralize them with some other thought or action, and will tend to recognize the obsessions as idiosyncratic or irrational.

Compulsions become clinically significant when a person feels driven to perform them in response to an obsession, or according to rules that must be applied rigidly, and when the person consequently feels or causes significant distress. Therefore, while many people who do not suffer from OCD may perform actions often associated with OCD (such as ordering items in a pantry by height), the distinction with clinically significant OCD lies in the fact that the person who suffers from OCD must perform these actions to avoid significant psychological distress. These behaviours or mental acts are aimed at preventing or reducing distress or preventing some dreaded event or situation; however, these activities are not logically or practically connected to the issue, or they are excessive. In addition, at some point during the course of the disorder, the individual must realise that his or her obsessions or compulsions are unreasonable or excessive.

Moreover, the obsessions or compulsions must be time-consuming (taking up more than one hour per day) or cause impairment in social, occupational or scholastic functioning. It is helpful to quantify the severity of symptoms and impairment before and during treatment for OCD. In addition to the person’s estimate of the time spent each day harbouring obsessive-compulsive thoughts or behaviours, concrete tools can be used to gauge the person’s condition. This may be done with rating scales, such as the Yale-Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale (Y-BOCS; expert rating) or the obsessive-compulsive inventory (OCI-R; self-rating). With measurements such as these, psychiatric consultation can be more appropriately determined because it has been standardised.

OCD is sometimes placed in a group of disorders called the obsessive-compulsive spectrum.

Differential Diagnosis

OCD is often confused with the separate condition obsessive-compulsive personality disorder (OCPD). OCD is egodystonic, meaning that the disorder is incompatible with the sufferer’s self-concept. Because egodystonic disorders go against a person’s self-concept, they tend to cause much distress. OCPD, on the other hand, is egosyntonic – marked by the person’s acceptance that the characteristics and behaviours displayed as a result are compatible with their self-image, or are otherwise appropriate, correct or reasonable.

As a result, people with OCD are often aware that their behaviour is not rational and are unhappy about their obsessions but nevertheless feel compelled by them. By contrast, people with OCPD are not aware of anything abnormal; they will readily explain why their actions are rational. It is usually impossible to convince them otherwise, and they tend to derive pleasure from their obsessions or compulsions.

Management

A form of psychotherapy called cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) and psychotropic medications are first-line treatments for OCD. Other forms of psychotherapy, such as psychodynamics and psychoanalysis may help in managing some aspects of the disorder, but in 2007 the American Psychiatric Association (APA) noted a lack of controlled studies showing their effectiveness “in dealing with the core symptoms of OCD”.

Therapy

The specific technique used in CBT is called exposure and response prevention (ERP), which involves teaching the person to deliberately come into contact with the situations that trigger the obsessive thoughts and fears (“exposure”) without carrying out the usual compulsive acts associated with the obsession (“response prevention”), thus gradually learning to tolerate the discomfort and anxiety associated with not performing the ritualistic behaviour. At first, for example, someone might touch something only very mildly “contaminated” (such as a tissue that has been touched by another tissue that has been touched by the end of a toothpick that has touched a book that came from a “contaminated” location, such as a school). That is the “exposure”. The “ritual prevention” is not washing. Another example might be leaving the house and checking the lock only once (exposure) without going back and checking again (ritual prevention). The person fairly quickly habituates to the anxiety-producing situation and discovers that his or her anxiety level drops considerably; he or she can then progress to touching something more “contaminated” or not checking the lock at all – again, without performing the ritual behaviour of washing or checking.

ERP has a strong evidence base, and it is considered the most effective treatment for OCD. However, this claim was doubted by some researchers in 2000, who criticised the quality of many studies. A 2007 Cochrane review also found that psychological interventions derived from CBT models were more effective than treatment as usual consisting of no treatment, waiting list or non-CBT interventions. For body-focused repetitive behaviours (BFRB), behavioural interventions are recommended by reviews such as habit-reversal training and decoupling.

Psychotherapy in combination with psychiatric medication may be more effective than either option alone for individuals with severe OCD.

Medication

The medications most frequently used are the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs). Clomipramine, a medication belonging to the class of tricyclic antidepressants, appears to work as well as SSRIs but has a higher rate of side effects.

SSRIs are a second-line treatment of adult obsessive compulsive disorder with mild functional impairment and as first-line treatment for those with moderate or severe impairment. In children, SSRIs can be considered as a second-line therapy in those with moderate to severe impairment, with close monitoring for psychiatric adverse effects. SSRIs are efficacious in the treatment of OCD; people treated with SSRIs are about twice as likely to respond to treatment as are those treated with placebo. Efficacy has been demonstrated both in short-term (6-24 weeks) treatment trials and in discontinuation trials with durations of 28-52 weeks.

In 2006, the National Institute of Clinical and Health Excellence (NICE) guidelines recommended antipsychotics for OCD that does not improve with SSRI treatment. For OCD there is tentative evidence for risperidone and insufficient evidence for olanzapine. Quetiapine is no better than placebo with regard to primary outcomes, but small effects were found in terms of YBOCS score. The efficacy of quetiapine and olanzapine are limited by an insufficient number of studies. A 2014 review article found two studies that indicated that aripiprazole was “effective in the short-term” and found that “[t]here was a small effect-size for risperidone or anti-psychotics in general in the short-term”; however, the study authors found “no evidence for the effectiveness of quetiapine or olanzapine in comparison to placebo.” While quetiapine may be useful when used in addition to an SSRI in treatment-resistant OCD, these drugs are often poorly tolerated, and have metabolic side effects that limit their use. None of the atypical antipsychotics appear to be useful when used alone. Another review reported that no evidence supports the use of first-generation antipsychotics in OCD.

A guideline by the APA suggested that dextroamphetamine may be considered by itself after more well-supported treatments have been tried.

Procedures

Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) has been found to have effectiveness in some severe and refractory cases.

Surgery may be used as a last resort in people who do not improve with other treatments. In this procedure, a surgical lesion is made in an area of the brain (the cingulate cortex). In one study, 30% of participants benefitted significantly from this procedure. Deep-brain stimulation and vagus nerve stimulation are possible surgical options that do not require destruction of brain tissue. In the United States, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved deep-brain stimulation for the treatment of OCD under a humanitarian device exemption requiring that the procedure be performed only in a hospital with special qualifications to do so.

In the United States, psychosurgery for OCD is a treatment of last resort and will not be performed until the person has failed several attempts at medication (at the full dosage) with augmentation, and many months of intensive cognitive-behavioural therapy with exposure and ritual/response prevention. Likewise, in the United Kingdom, psychosurgery cannot be performed unless a course of treatment from a suitably qualified cognitive-behavioural therapist has been carried out.

Children

Therapeutic treatment may be effective in reducing ritual behaviours of OCD for children and adolescents. Similar to the treatment of adults with OCD, CBT stands as an effective and validated first line of treatment of OCD in children. Family involvement, in the form of behavioural observations and reports, is a key component to the success of such treatments. Parental interventions also provide positive reinforcement for a child who exhibits appropriate behaviours as alternatives to compulsive responses. In a recent meta-analysis of evidenced-based treatment of OCD in children, family-focused individual CBT was labelled as “probably efficacious”, establishing it as one of the leading psychosocial treatments for youth with OCD. After one or two years of therapy, in which a child learns the nature of his or her obsession and acquires strategies for coping, that child may acquire a larger circle of friends, exhibit less shyness, and become less self-critical.

Although the causes of OCD in younger age groups range from brain abnormalities to psychological preoccupations, life stress such as bullying and traumatic familial deaths may also contribute to childhood cases of OCD, and acknowledging these stressors can play a role in treating the disorder.

Epidemiology

Obsessive-compulsive disorder affects about 2.3% of people at some point in their life, with the yearly rate about 1.2%. OCD occurs worldwide. It is unusual for symptoms to begin after the age of 35 and half of people develop problems before 20. Males and females are affected about equally.

Prognosis

Quality of life is reduced across all domains in OCD. While psychological or pharmacological treatment can lead to a reduction of OCD symptoms and an increase in reported quality of life, symptoms may persist at moderate levels even following adequate treatment courses, and completely symptom-free periods are uncommon. In paediatric OCD, around 40% still have the disorder in adulthood, and around 40% qualify for remission.

Society and Culture

Art, Entertainment and Media

Movies and television shows may portray idealised or incomplete representations of disorders such as OCD. Compassionate and accurate literary and on-screen depictions may help counteract the potential stigma associated with an OCD diagnosis, and lead to increased public awareness, understanding and sympathy for such disorders.

  • In the film As Good as It Gets (1997), actor Jack Nicholson portrays a man with OCD who performs ritualistic behaviours that disrupt his life.
  • The film Matchstick Men (2003), directed by Ridley Scott, portrays a con man named Roy (Nicolas Cage) with OCD who opens and closes doors three times while counting aloud before he can walk through them.
  • In the television series Monk (2002-2009), the titular character Adrian Monk fears both human contact and dirt.
  • In Turtles All the Way Down (2017), a young adult novel by author John Green, teenage main character Aza Holmes struggles with OCD that manifests as a fear of the human microbiome.
    • Throughout the story, Aza repeatedly opens an unhealed callus on her finger to drain out what she believes are pathogens.
    • The novel is based on Green’s own experiences with OCD.
    • He explained that Turtles All the Way Down is intended to show how “most people with chronic mental illnesses also live long, fulfilling lives”.
  • The British TV series Pure (2019) stars Charly Clive as a 24-year-old Marnie who is plagued by disturbing sexual thoughts, as a kind of primarily obsessional obsessive compulsive disorder.
    • The series is based on a book of the same name by Rose Cartwright.

Research

The naturally occurring sugar inositol has been suggested as a treatment for OCD.

μ-Opioids, such as hydrocodone and tramadol, may improve OCD symptoms. Administration of opiate treatment may be contraindicated in individuals concurrently taking CYP2D6 inhibitors such as fluoxetine and paroxetine.

Much current research is devoted to the therapeutic potential of the agents that affect the release of the neurotransmitter glutamate or the binding to its receptors. These include riluzole, memantine, gabapentin, N-acetylcysteine, topiramate and lamotrigine.

On This Day … 23 November

People (Births)

Keith Ablow

Keith Russell Ablow (born 23 November 1961) is an American author, television personality, and former psychiatrist. He is a former contributor for Fox News Channel and TheBlaze.

Formerly an assistant clinical professor at Tufts University School of Medicine, Ablow resigned as a member of the American Psychiatric Association in 2011. Ablow’s medical license was suspended in May 2019 by the Massachusetts Board of Registration in Medicine. The board concluded he posed an “immediate and serious threat to the public health, safety and welfare,” alleging that he had engaged in sexual and unethical misconduct towards patients.

According to the Associated Press, Ablow “freely mixes psychiatric assessments with political criticism, a unique twist in the realm of cable news commentary that some medical colleagues find unethical.”

Education

He graduated from Brown University in 1983, magna cum laude, with a Bachelor of Science degree in neurosciences. He received his Doctor of Medicine degree from Johns Hopkins Medical School in 1987 and completed his psychiatry residency at the Tufts-New England Medical Centre. He was Board Certified by the American Board of Psychiatry & Neurology in psychiatry in 1993 and forensic psychiatry in 1999.

While a medical student, he worked as a reporter for Newsweek and a freelancer for the Washington Post and Baltimore Sun and USA Today. After his residency, Ablow served as medical director of the Tri-City Mental Health Centres and then became medical director of Heritage Health Systems and Associate Medical Director of Boston Regional Medical Centre.

What is Neurotics Anonymous?

Introduction

Neurotics Anonymous (N/A), founded in 1964, is a twelve-step programme for recovery from mental and emotional illness.

To avoid confusion with Narcotics Anonymous (NA), Neurotics Anonymous is abbreviated N/A or NAIL.

Refer to Neuroticism and Neurosis.

Brief History

The conception of Neurotics Anonymous began with Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) co-founder Bill W. After achieving sobriety Bill continued to suffer from neurosis, specifically depression. In letters to other AA members he wrote about his personal experience with neurosis, its prevalence in AA, and how he and others learned to cope with it. Bill expressed that as he learned to let go of his dependence on people and situations for emotional security and replaced that dependence with “showing outgoing love as best as he could,” his depression began to subside. In correspondence with another AA member about neurosis and psychoanalyst Karen Horney Bill suggested how a Neurotics Anonymous fellowship might operate.

You interest me very much when you talk of Karen Horney. I have the highest admiration of her. That gal’s insights have been most helpful to me. Also for the benefit of screwballs like ourselves, it may be that someday we shall devise some common denominator of psychiatry — of course, throwing away their much abused terminology — common denominators which neurotics could use on each other. The idea would be to extend the moral inventory of AA to a deeper level, making it an inventory of psychic damages, reliving in conversation episodes, etc. I suppose someday a Neurotics Anonymous will be formed and will actually do all this. Bill W., Letter to Ollie in California, 04 January 1956.

In a subsequent letter to Ollie in June 1956, Bill suggested the inventory of psychic damages include inferiority, shame, guilt and anger. He added that the effectiveness of the inventory would come from reliving the experiences and sharing them with other people.

Neurotics Anonymous was created eight years later, 03 February 1964 in Washington, D.C. by Grover Boydston (16 August 1924 to 17 December 1996). Grover was an AA member, recovering alcoholic, psychologist, and Ed.M. Grover had attempted suicide five times before the age of 21 and, like Bill W., was neurotic. Grover believed members of twelve-step programmes shared the same underlying neuroses caused by self-centeredness, a view expressed in other twelve-step programmes. Grover went as far as to say, “All of us are, indeed, brothers, and the variations in detail are no more than if one of us likes chocolate ice cream, and the other likes vanilla.”

While in AA, Grover discovered working the Twelve Steps helped remove the neuroses underlying his alcoholism. As an experiment Grover instructed a woman who suffered from neurosis, but not alcoholism, to work the Twelve Steps. He discovered that they aided her recovery from neurosis as well. He wrote Alcoholics Anonymous World Services for permission to use their Twelve Steps with the word “alcohol” in the First Step replaced with “our emotions.” Permission was granted. Grover placed an ad in a Washington, D.C. newspaper for Neurotics Anonymous, and organised the first meeting from those who responded to it. N/A grew modestly until an article was published on it in Parade magazine. The Associated Press and United Press International republished the story, and N/A groups began forming internationally.

By 1974 the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, at the time in second edition (DSM-II), was undergoing revision. The framework developed for the third edition (DSM-III) was no longer based on psychoanalytic principles such as neurosis. The connotation of neurosis in common language also began to change. “Neurosis” was being used, increasingly, in a facetious or pejorative sense, rather than a diagnostic sense. These combined factors could make it difficult to take an organization known as Neurotics Anonymous seriously. In current Neurotics Anonymous literature, there is not a scientific definition ascribed to neurosis. As used in N/A, a neurotic is defined as any person who accepts that he or she has emotional problems.

Demographics

Grover Boydston conducted the first demographic study of Neurotics Anonymous in 1974. Such studies are rare and samples sizes are usually small as any group following the Twelve Traditions is required to protect the anonymity of their members. While researching such groups is still ethically possible, it is more difficult given this constraint.

  • Age: Boydston’s study found the average age of N/A members surveyed to be 43.02 years. A study six years later of self-help groups for people with serious mental illness, found the average age to be 35.3 years.
  • Attendance and Tenure: Of the N/A members surveyed Boydston found they attended, on average, six meetings per month and had spent an average of 2.37 years in N/A. N/A had existed for approximately ten years at the time of the survey.
  • Employment and socioeconomic status: Boydston categorised the occupations of N/A members into four categories.
    • Professionals: Includes people who practice a profession that is so considered by scientific, academic, business, and other people. It includes physicians, lawyers, engineers, nurses, college and university instructors. These represented 38% of the members surveyed.
    • Clerical persons: Includes people who perform office work or sales work according to the classification of “clerical.” These represented 32% of the members surveyed.
    • Homemakers: A person who takes care of a home as his or her main work. These represented 16% of the members surveyed.
    • Other: Includes students and people who do not fit into the three previous categories. These represented 32% of the members surveyed.
  • According to Boydston’s results at least 70% of N/A members were employed. This is similar to a specific study of Emotions Anonymous that found most of the members were middle class. Other studies of self-help groups for people with serious mental illness found most of the members tend to be unemployed, while others found members to be predominantly working class.
  • Ethnicity: Boydston’s study, and all similar studies in the literature have found that the majority of members in N/A and other self-help groups for people with serious mental illness in the United States are white.
  • Hospitalisation: Boydston’s study of N/A members found that 42% percent had been hospitalised for psychiatric reasons. More recent studies have shown that in self-help groups for serious mental illness approximately 60% (55-75%) of members had been hospitalised for psychiatric reasons.
  • Marital Status: In Boydston’s study of N/A members he found 25% were single, 48% were currently married, 22% were divorced and 5% were widowed. This finding has not been replicated in studies of similar groups where it was found most members had never been married.
  • Religion: Boydston’s survey included not only religious affiliation, but also included a measure of religiosity. Of the N/A members surveyed he found 24% identified as Catholic, 47% identified as Protestant, 9% identified as Jewish, and 19% did not consider themselves religious. Additionally, only 19% of members identified themselves as “very religious”, 42% identified themselves as moderately religious, and 39% identified themselves as “not very religious”.
  • Specific disorders (neuroses): Boydston’s survey contained an open-ended question asking about the “main complaints” N/A members came to the programme with. He summarized them in a list of twelve. Listed below are his results, in order from the highest to lowest percentage of members reporting them. Members often presented with more than one complaint.
    • Depression (58%).
    • Anxiety (32%).
    • Fears (23%).
    • Problems in relationships (18%).
    • Psychosomatic pains (14%).
    • Confusion (13%).
    • No desire to live (11%).
    • Inability to cope (9%).
    • Nervousness (7%).
    • Loneliness (6%).
    • Feelings of hopelessness (5%).
    • Hate (3%).
  • Sex: Boydston’s study of N/A members found approximately 36% were male, and 64% were female. This ratio, of two (or more) females for every male, has been reproduced in all other studies of self-help groups for persons with serious mental illness, as well as specific studies of Emotions Anonymous groups.

Criticism

N/A members in Comalapa (a municipality in Nicaragua) believe X-ray images (radiografías) can serve as a moral diagnostic revealing information about the intent and mores of those being examined. There is, however, no evidence that they are deliberately attempting to mislead other members. Americans had similar misunderstandings of X-ray technology when it was first introduced in the United States.

Increasing Deviant Stigma

Sociologist Edward Sagarin noted that alcoholics and addicts are considered deviants because their behaviour is socially labelled as deviant. Meaning chronic substance abuse is seen as deviant, while being sober or “clean” is normal. For an alcoholic or addict, joining groups such as AA or NA immediately reduces their deviant stigma, regardless of whether or not the alcoholic or addict believes it does. There is no similar clear cut language to label the deviance of those in N/A, in the act of joining members label themselves as deviant and take on stigma by identifying as one of those in the group afflicted with the problems of the other members. Initially joining the group may prove to be more ego damaging than ego reinforcing, regardless of whether or not the group helps them overcome their problems. Therefore, social stigma would attract alcoholics and addicts to groups like AA and NA. It would, however, become a barrier preventing people from joining groups such as N/A.

In contrast, those with severe mental illness may have acquired stigma through professional labels and diagnoses as well as through other behaviours associated with their mental illness defined as deviant. This stigma may not be as easily understood as alcoholism or addiction because the behaviour is more varied and can not be explained by substance use.

The objective of NA and AA is not just to help their members stop abusing drugs and alcohol. It is acknowledged in these programs that addiction is more systemic than a “bad habit” and is fundamentally caused by self-centeredness. Long term membership in Alcoholics Anonymous has been found to reform pathological narcissism, and those who are sober but retain characteristics of personality disorders associated with addiction are known in AA as “dry drunks.”

Effectiveness

Neurotics Anonymous developed the Test of Mental and Emotional Health as a tool to help members evaluate their progress. It is a fifty question test, with each answer rated on a three level Likert scale. Possible scores range from zero to one hundred. Higher scores are thought to indicate better mental and emotional health.

In Boydston’s survey of N/A members, when asked if they had received help through the program, 100% of those surveyed said “yes.” Boydston claimed N/A had similar results to AA in terms of recovery – 50% with a desire to stop drinking do so, 25% recover after one or more relapses, but most of the other 25% never successfully recover.

Literature

From 1965 to 1980 Neurotics Anonymous published a mimeographed quarterly periodical, the Journal of Mental Health. This should not be confused with the newer journal of the same name that began publishing in 1992. Early in the development of N/A they used Alcoholics Anonymous (the so-called Big Book) and the Twelve Steps and Twelve Traditions, the two fundamental books of the Alcoholics Anonymous programme. While reading out loud at meetings, members changed instances of the word “alcoholic” to “neurotic.” Passages in the book referring specifically to drinking were ignored. Eventually, N/A began creating books from articles published in the Journal of Mental Health. There were three such books published in English.

  • Neurotics Anonymous (1968). Neurotics Anonymous. Washington, D.C.: Neurotics Anonymous International Liaison, Inc.
  • Neurotics Anonymous (1970). The Laws of Mental and Emotional Illness. Washington, D.C.: Neurotics Anonymous International Liaison, Inc. ASIN B000FTOFYS. LCCN 76102220. OCLC 104842.
  • Neurotics Anonymous (1978). The Etiology of Mental and Emotional Illness and Health. Washington, D.C.: Neurotics Anonymous International Liaison, Inc. ASIN B000FTON22. LCCN 76040759. OCLC 4500175.

The N/A organisations in Brazil and Mexico use translations of the English literature as well as literature written by groups in their area.

Parallel Organisation

A registered charity, known as Neurotics Anonymous and located in London, was created in the late 1960s by John Oliver Yates. Yates was prompted to create the groups after trauma he had suffered from a car accident that left him completely blind. Group membership was open to anyone, although it was recommended for people who had a nervous illness severe enough to require hospitalization. This charity differed from conventional twelve-step programmes in several ways. There was a nominal fee charged for membership. Meetings opened with a discussion of outside issues, such debate on social, political or cultural topics. The debate was followed by a personal problem forum where members brought their problems to Yates for initial comment followed by a presentation for group discussion.

What is Neurosis?

Introduction

Neurosis is a class of functional mental disorders involving chronic distress, but neither delusions nor hallucinations.

The term is no longer used by the professional psychiatric community in the United States, having been eliminated from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) in 1980 with the publication of DSM III. However, it is still used in the ICD-10 Chapter V F40-48.

Neurosis should not be mistaken for psychosis, which refers to a loss of touch with reality. Nor should it be mistaken for neuroticism, a fundamental personality trait proposed in the Big Five personality traits theory.

Etymology

The term is derived from the Greek word neuron (νεῦρον, ‘nerve’) and the suffix -osis (-ωσις, ‘diseased’ or ‘abnormal condition’).

The term neurosis was coined by Scottish doctor William Cullen in 1769 to refer to “disorders of sense and motion” caused by a “general affection of the nervous system.” Cullen used the term to describe various nervous disorders and symptoms that could not be explained physiologically. Physical features, however, were almost inevitably present, and physical diagnostic tests, such as exaggerated knee-jerks, loss of the gag reflex and dermatographia, were used into the 20th century. The meaning of the term was redefined by Carl Jung and Sigmund Freud over the early and middle 20th century, and has continued to be used in psychology and philosophy.

The DSM eliminated the neurosis category in 1980, because of a decision by its editors to provide descriptions of behaviour rather than descriptions of hidden psychological mechanisms. This change has been controversial. Likewise, according to the American Heritage Medical Dictionary, neurosis is “no longer used in psychiatric diagnosis.”

Symptoms and Causes

Neurosis may be defined simply as a “poor ability to adapt to one’s environment, an inability to change one’s life patterns, and the inability to develop a richer, more complex, more satisfying personality.” There are many different neuroses, including:

According to C. George Boeree, professor emeritus at Shippensburg University, the symptoms of neurosis may involve:

… anxiety, sadness or depression, anger, irritability, mental confusion, low sense of self-worth, etc., behavioral symptoms such as phobic avoidance, vigilance, impulsive and compulsive acts, lethargy, etc., cognitive problems such as unpleasant or disturbing thoughts, repetition of thoughts and obsession, habitual fantasizing, negativity and cynicism, etc. Interpersonally, neurosis involves dependency, aggressiveness, perfectionism, schizoid isolation, socio-culturally inappropriate behaviors, etc.

Jungian Theory

Carl Jung found his approach particularly effective for patients who are well adjusted by social standards but are troubled by existential questions. Jung claims to have “frequently seen people become neurotic when they content themselves with inadequate or wrong answers to the questions of life”.[8]: 140  Accordingly, the majority of his patients “consisted not of believers but of those who had lost their faith”.  A contemporary person, according to Jung,

…is blind to the fact that, with all his rationality and efficiency, he is possessed by ‘powers’ that are beyond his control. His gods and demons have not disappeared at all; they have merely got new names. They keep him on the run with restlessness, vague apprehensions, psychological complications, an insatiable need for pills, alcohol, tobacco, food — and, above all, a large array of neuroses.

Jung found that the unconscious finds expression primarily through an individual’s inferior psychological function, whether it is thinking, feeling, sensation, or intuition. The characteristic effects of a neurosis on the dominant and inferior functions are discussed in his Psychological Types. Jung also found collective neuroses in politics: “Our world is, so to speak, dissociated like a neurotic.”

Psychoanalytic Theory

According to psychoanalytic theory, neuroses may be rooted in ego defence mechanisms, though the two concepts are not synonymous. Defence mechanisms are a normal way of developing and maintaining a consistent sense of self (i.e. an ego). However, only those thoughts and behaviours that produce difficulties in one’s life should be called neuroses.

A neurotic person experiences emotional distress and unconscious conflict, which are manifested in various physical or mental illnesses; the definitive symptom being anxiety. Neurotic tendencies are common and may manifest themselves as acute or chronic anxiety, depression, an obsessive-compulsive disorder, a phobia, or a personality disorder.

Horney’s Theory

In her final book, Neurosis and Human Growth, Karen Horney lays out a complete theory of the origin and dynamics of neurosis. In her theory, neurosis is a distorted way of looking at the world and at oneself, which is determined by compulsive needs rather than by a genuine interest in the world as it is. Horney proposes that neurosis is transmitted to a child from their early environment and that there are many ways in which this can occur:

When summarized, they all boil down to the fact that the people in the environment are too wrapped up in their own neuroses to be able to love the child, or even to conceive of him as the particular individual he is; their attitudes toward him are determined by their own neurotic needs and responses.

The child’s initial reality is then distorted by their parents’ needs and pretences. Growing up with neurotic caretakers, the child quickly becomes insecure and develops basic anxiety. To deal with this anxiety, the child’s imagination creates an idealized self-image:

Each person builds up his personal idealized image from the materials of his own special experiences, his earlier fantasies, his particular needs, and also his given faculties. If it were not for the personal character of the image, he would not attain a feeling of identity and unity. He idealizes, to begin with, his particular “solution” of his basic conflict: compliance becomes goodness, love, saintliness; aggressiveness becomes strength, leadership, heroism, omnipotence; aloofness becomes wisdom, self-sufficiency, independence. What—according to his particular solution—appear as shortcomings or flaws are always dimmed out or retouched.

Once they identify themselves with their idealised image, a number of effects follow. They will make claims on others and on life based on the prestige they feel entitled to because of their idealized self-image. They will impose a rigorous set of standards upon themselves in order to try to measure up to that image. They will cultivate pride, and with that will come the vulnerabilities associated with pride that lacks any foundation. Finally, they will despise themselves for all their limitations. Vicious circles will operate to strengthen all of these effects.

Eventually, as they grow to adulthood, a particular “solution” to all the inner conflicts and vulnerabilities will solidify. They will be either:

  • Expansive, displaying symptoms of narcissism, perfectionism, or vindictiveness.
  • Self-effacing and compulsively compliant, displaying symptoms of neediness or co-dependence.
  • Resigned, displaying schizoid tendencies.

In Horney’s view, mild anxiety disorders and full-blown personality disorders all fall under her basic scheme of neurosis as variations in the degree of severity and in the individual dynamics. The opposite of neurosis is a condition Horney calls self-realisation, a state of being in which the person responds to the world with the full depth of their spontaneous feelings, rather than with anxiety-driven compulsion. Thus the person grows to actualise their inborn potentialities. Horney compares this process to an acorn that grows and becomes a tree: the acorn has had the potential for a tree inside it all along.