A Quick Overview of Chromium

Introduction

Chromium is a trace mineral that works with insulin to help regulate and maintain normal amounts glucose in the blood. It also plays a role in carbohydrate, fat, and protein metabolism. Chromium can be found naturally in foods and also comes in a variety of supplemental forms.

Background

Chromium is an essential trace mineral, and there are two forms:

  • Trivalent chromium, which is safe for humans; and
  • Hexavalent chromium, which is a toxin.
Chromium

Trivalent chromium is found in foods and supplements and might help keep blood sugar levels normal by improving the way the body uses insulin.

People use chromium for chromium deficiency and is also for:

  • Diabetes;
  • High cholesterol;
  • Athletic performance;
  • Bipolar disorder; and
  • Many other purposes … but there is no good scientific evidence to support most of these uses.

This topic only covers trivalent chromium, not hexavalent chromium.

Major Food Sources of Chromium

Many foods contain a small amount of chromium. In general, whole grain breads and cereals and meats are all good sources. The content of chromium in many foods can be affected by how food is gown and processed. Common foods that contain chromium (not an exhaustive list):

  • Broccoli.
  • Grape juice.
  • English muffin.
  • Potatoes.
  • Garlic.
  • Basil.
  • Orange juice.
  • Turkey breast.
  • Whole wheat bread.
  • Unpeeled apple.
  • Bananas.
  • Green beans.

What are Its Uses and Effectiveness?

  • Likely Effective for:
    • Chromium deficiency.
      • Taking chromium by mouth is effective for preventing chromium deficiency.
  • Possibly Effective for:
    • Diabetes.
      • Taking chromium by mouth might improve blood sugar control in some people with type 2 diabetes.
      • Higher chromium doses seem to work better than lower doses.
      • It is not clear if it helps prevent diabetes.
  • Possibly Ineffective for:
    • Prediabetes.
      • Taking chromium by mouth does not help control blood sugar levels in people with prediabetes.
    • Schizophrenia.
      • Taking chromium by mouth does not affect weight or mental health in people with schizophrenia.

There is interest in using chromium for a number of other purposes, but there is not enough reliable information to say whether it might be helpful.

What are the Side Effects?

It is difficult to consume toxic amounts of chromium from dietary sources alone. However, harmful levels of the mineral can potentially be ingested in the form of supplements. Early research suggested that daily dosages of 50-200 mcg were believed to be safe.

When taken by Mouth

  • Chromium is likely safe when used short-term.
  • Up to 1000 mcg of chromium daily has been used safely for up to 6 months.
  • When taken for longer periods of time, chromium is possibly safe.
  • Chromium has been used safely in doses of 200-1000 mcg daily for up to 2 years.

Some people experience side effects such as stomach upset, headaches, insomnia, and mood changes. High doses have been linked to more serious side effects including liver or kidney damage.

The most commonly reported side effects with chromium supplementation include:

  • Initial insomnia;
  • Increased and vivid dreams;
  • Tremor;
  • Mild psychomotor activation;
  • Stomach discomfort;
  • Nausea; and
  • Vomiting.

Are There Any Special Precautions or Warnings To Be Aware Of?

  • Pregnancy:
    • Chromium is likely safe when taken by mouth in amounts that do not exceed adequate intake (AI) levels.
    • The AI for those 14-18 years old is 28 mcg daily.
    • For those 19-50 years old, it is 30 mcg daily.
    • Chromium is possibly safe to use in amounts higher than the AI levels while pregnant.
    • But do not take chromium supplements during pregnancy unless advised to do so by a healthcare provider.
  • Breast-feeding:
    • Chromium is likely safe when taken by mouth in amounts that do not exceed AI levels.
    • The AI for those 14-18 years old is 44 mcg daily.
    • For those 19-50 years old, it is 45 mcg daily.
    • There is not enough reliable information to know if taking higher amounts of chromium is safe when breast-feeding.
    • Stay on the safe side and stick with amounts below the AI.
  • Children:
    • Chromium is likely safe when taken by mouth in amounts that do not exceed AI levels.
    • For those 0-6 months old, it is 0.2 mcg; for those 7-12 months old, it is 5.5 mcg; for those 1-3 years old, it is 11 mcg; for those 4-8 years old, it is 15 mcg.
    • For males 9-13 years old, it is 25 mcg; for males 14-18 years old, it is 35 mcg.
    • For females 9-13 years old, it is 21 mcg; for females 14-18 years old, it is 24 mcg.
    • Taking chromium in amounts above the AI level is possibly safe for most children.
  • Behavioural or psychiatric conditions such as depression, anxiety, or schizophrenia:
    • Chromium might affect brain chemistry and might make behavioural or psychiatric conditions worse.
    • Given the risk of “cycling,” caution should be used in people who have (or may develop) bipolar disorder.
    • Chromium picolinate appears to alter levels of neurotransmitters when taken in high doses – a possible concern for people with depression, bipolar disorder, or schizophrenia.
  • Chromate/leather contact allergy:
    • Chromium supplements can cause allergic reactions in people with chromate or leather contact allergy.
    • Symptoms include redness, swelling, and scaling of the skin.
  • Kidney disease:
    • Chromium supplements might cause kidney damage.
    • Do not take chromium supplements if you have kidney disease.
  • Liver disease:
    • Chromium supplements might cause liver damage.
    • Do not take chromium supplements if you have liver disease.

A daily intake of over 1,200 micrograms has been reported to cause kidney, liver, and bone marrow damage in one person. In another case report, a person taking daily dose of 600 mcg over a 6-week period was enough to cause damage. You should talk to a medical professional before taking more than 200 mcg.

What about Interactions?

Moderate Interaction

Be cautious with this combination

  • Insulin interacts with Chromium:
    • Chromium might increase how well insulin works.
    • Taking chromium along with insulin might cause your blood sugar to drop too low.
    • Monitor your blood sugar closely.
    • The dose of your insulin might need to be changed.
  • Levothyroxine (Synthroid, others) interacts with Chromium:
    • Taking chromium with levothyroxine might decrease how much levothyroxine the body absorbs.
    • This might make levothyroxine less effective.
    • To help avoid this interaction, levothyroxine should be taken 30 minutes before or 3-4 hours after taking chromium.
  • Medications for diabetes (Anti-diabetes drugs) interacts with Chromium:
    • Chromium might lower blood sugar levels.
    • Taking chromium along with diabetes medications might cause blood sugar to drop too low.
    • Monitor your blood sugar closely.

Minor Interaction

Be watchful with this combination

  • NSAIDs (Nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs) interacts with Chromium:
    • NSAIDs might increase chromium levels in the body and increase the risk of adverse effects.
    • Avoid taking chromium supplements and NSAIDs at the same time.
  • Aspirin interacts with Chromium:
    • Aspirin might increase how much chromium the body absorbs.
    • Taking aspirin with chromium might increase the effects and side effects of chromium.

What about Dosage?

  • Chromium is an essential trace mineral.
  • It is recommended that males 19-50 years old consume 35 mcg daily, and those 51 years and older consume 30 mcg daily.
  • For females, it is recommended that those 19-50 years old consume 25 mcg daily, and those 51 years and older consume 20 mcg daily.
  • Recommended amounts for children depend on age.
  • Speak with a healthcare provider to find out what dose might be best for a specific condition.

What is Informed Consent?

Introduction

Informed consent is a principle in medical ethics and medical law that a patient should have sufficient information before making their own free decisions about their medical care.

A healthcare provider is often held to have a responsibility to ensure that the consent that a patient gives is informed, and informed consent can apply to a health care intervention on a person, conducting some form of research on a person, or for disclosing a person’s information. Informed consent is, in fact, a fundamental principle in the field of health protection, obviously wanting to mark the very close and unavoidable connection between the need for consent and the inviolability of the right to health. A health care provider may ask a patient to consent to receive therapy before providing it, a clinical researcher may ask a research participant before enrolling that person into a clinical trial, and a researcher may ask a research participant before starting some form of controlled experiment. Informed consent is collected according to guidelines from the fields of medical ethics and research ethics.

Free consent is a cognate term enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The covenant was adopted in 1966 by the United Nations, and intended to be in force by 23 March 1976. Article seven prohibits experiments conducted without the “free consent to medical or scientific experimentation” of the subject. As of September 2019, the covenant has 173 parties and six more signatories without ratification.

Informed consent can be said to have been given based upon a clear appreciation and understanding of the facts, implications, and consequences of an action. To give informed consent, the individual concerned must have adequate reasoning faculties and be in possession of all relevant facts. Impairments to reasoning and judgement that may prevent informed consent include basic intellectual or emotional immaturity, high levels of stress such as post-traumatic stress disorder or a severe intellectual disability, severe mental disorder, intoxication, severe sleep deprivation, Alzheimer’s disease, or coma.

Obtaining informed consent is not always required. If an individual is considered unable to give informed consent, another person is generally authorised to give consent on his behalf, e.g., parents or legal guardians of a child (though in this circumstance the child may be required to provide informed assent) and conservators for the mentally disordered, or consent can be assumed through the doctrine of implied consent, e.g. when an unconscious person will die without immediate medical treatment.

In cases where an individual is provided insufficient information to form a reasoned decision, serious ethical issues arise. Such cases in a clinical trial in medical research are anticipated and prevented by an ethics committee or institutional review board.

Informed consent form templates can be found on the website of the World Health Organisation (WHO).

Refer to Informed Refusal.

Brief History

Informed consent is a technical term first used by attorney, Paul G. Gebhard, in a medical malpractice United States court case in 1957. In tracing its history, some scholars have suggested tracing the history of checking for any of these practices:

  • A patient agrees to a health intervention based on an understanding of it.
  • The patient has multiple choices and is not compelled to choose a particular one.
  • The consent includes giving permission.

These practices are part of what constitutes informed consent, and their history is the history of informed consent.  They combine to form the modern concept of informed consent – which rose in response to particular incidents in modern research.  Whereas various cultures in various places practiced informed consent, the modern concept of informed consent was developed by people who drew influence from Western tradition.

Medical History

Historians cite a series of medical guidelines to trace the history of informed consent in medical practice.

The Hippocratic Oath, a Greek text dating to 500 B.C.E., was the first set of Western writings giving guidelines for the conduct of medical professionals. It advises that physicians conceal most information from patients to give the patients the best care.  The rationale is a beneficence model for care – the doctor knows better than the patient, and therefore should direct the patient’s care, because the patient is not likely to have better ideas than the doctor. 

Henri de Mondeville, a French surgeon who in the 14th century, wrote about medical practice. He traced his ideas to the Hippocratic Oath. Among his recommendations were that doctors “promise a cure to every patient” in hopes that the good prognosis would inspire a good outcome to treatment.  Mondeville never mentioned getting consent, but did emphasize the need for the patient to have confidence in the doctor.  He also advised that when deciding therapeutically unimportant details the doctor should meet the patients’ requests “so far as they do not interfere with treatment”.

In Ottoman Empire records there exists an agreement from 1539 in which negotiates details of a surgery, including fee and a commitment not to sue in case of death. This is the oldest identified written document in which a patient acknowledges risk of medical treatment and writes to express their willingness to proceed.

Benjamin Rush was an 18th-century United States physician who was influenced by the Age of Enlightenment cultural movement.  Because of this, he advised that doctors ought to share as much information as possible with patients. He recommended that doctors educate the public and respect a patient’s informed decision to accept therapy.  There is no evidence that he supported seeking a consent from patients.  In a lecture titled “On the duties of patients to their physicians”, he stated that patients should be strictly obedient to the physician’s orders; this was representative of much of his writings. John Gregory, Rush’s teacher, wrote similar views that a doctor could best practice beneficence by making decisions for the patients without their consent.

Thomas Percival was a British physician who published a book called Medical Ethics in 1803.  Percival was a student of the works of Gregory and various earlier Hippocratic physicians.  Like all previous works, Percival’s Medical Ethics makes no mention of soliciting for the consent of patients or respecting their decisions.  Percival said that patients have a right to truth, but when the physician could provide better treatment by lying or withholding information, he advised that the physician do as he thought best.

When the American Medical Association was founded they in 1847 produced a work called the first edition of the American Medical Association Code of Medical Ethics.  Many sections of this book are verbatim copies of passages from Percival’s Medical Ethics.  A new concept in this book was the idea that physicians should fully disclose all patient details truthfully when talking to other physicians, but the text does not also apply this idea to disclosing information to patients.  Through this text, Percival’s ideas became pervasive guidelines throughout the United States as other texts were derived from them.

Worthington Hooker was an American physician who in 1849 published Physician and Patient. This medical ethics book was radical demonstrating understanding of the AMA’s guidelines and Percival’s philosophy and soundly rejecting all directives that a doctor should lie to patients.  In Hooker’s view, benevolent deception is not fair to the patient, and he lectured widely on this topic.  Hooker’s ideas were not broadly influential.

Research History

Historians cite a series of human subject research experiments to trace the history of informed consent in research.

The US Army Yellow Fever Commission “is considered the first research group in history to use consent forms.” In 1900, Major Walter Reed was appointed head of the four man US Army Yellow Fever Commission in Cuba that determined mosquitoes were the vector for yellow fever transmission. His earliest experiments were probably done without formal documentation of informed consent. In later experiments he obtained support from appropriate military and administrative authorities. He then drafted what is now “one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents.” The three surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations; two have an individual’s signature and one is marked with an X.

Tearoom Trade is the name of a book by American psychologist Laud Humphreys. In it he describes his research into male homosexual acts. In conducting this research he never sought consent from his research subjects and other researchers raised concerns that he violated the right to privacy for research participants.

Henrietta Lacks On 29 January 1951, shortly after the birth of her son Joseph, Lacks entered Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore with profuse bleeding. She was diagnosed with cervical cancer and was treated with inserts of radium tubes. During her radiation treatments for the tumour, two samples – one of healthy cells, the other of malignant cells – were removed from her cervix without her permission. Later that year, 31-year-old Henrietta Lacks succumbed to the cancer. Her cells were cultured creating Hela cells, but the family was not informed until 1973, the family learned the truth when scientists asked for DNA samples after finding that HeLa had contaminated other samples. In 2013 researchers published the genome without the Lacks family consent.

The Milgram experiment is the name of a 1961 experiment conducted by American psychologist Stanley Milgram. In the experiment Milgram had an authority figure order research participants to commit a disturbing act of harming another person. After the experiment he would reveal that he had deceived the participants and that they had not hurt anyone, but the research participants were upset at the experience of having participated in the research. The experiment raised broad discussion on the ethics of recruiting participants for research without giving them full information about the nature of the research.

Chester M. Southam used HeLa cells to inject into cancer patients and Ohio State Penitentiary inmates without informed consent to determine if people could become immune to cancer and if cancer could be transmitted.

Assessment

Informed consent can be complex to evaluate, because neither expressions of consent, nor expressions of understanding of implications, necessarily mean that full adult consent was in fact given, nor that full comprehension of relevant issues is internally digested. Consent may be implied within the usual subtleties of human communication, rather than explicitly negotiated verbally or in writing. In some cases consent cannot legally be possible, even if the person protests he does indeed understand and wish. There are also structured instruments for evaluating capacity to give informed consent, although no ideal instrument presently exists.

Thus, there is always a degree to which informed consent must be assumed or inferred based upon observation, or knowledge, or legal reliance. This especially is the case in sexual or relational issues. In medical or formal circumstances, explicit agreement by means of signature – normally relied on legally – regardless of actual consent, is the norm. This is the case with certain procedures, such as a “do not resuscitate” directive that a patient signed before onset of their illness.

Brief examples of each of the above:

  1. A person may verbally agree to something from fear, perceived social pressure, or psychological difficulty in asserting true feelings.
    • The person requesting the action may honestly be unaware of this and believe the consent is genuine, and rely on it.
    • Consent is expressed, but not internally given.
  2. A person may claim to understand the implications of some action, as part of consent, but in fact has failed to appreciate the possible consequences fully and may later deny the validity of the consent for this reason.
    • Understanding needed for informed consent is present but is, in fact (through ignorance), not present.
  3. A person signs a legal release form for a medical procedure, and later feels they did not really consent.
    1. Unless the individual can show actual misinformation, the release is usually persuasive or conclusive in law, in that the clinician may rely legally upon it for consent.
    2. In formal circumstances, a written consent usually legally overrides later denial of informed consent (unless obtained by misrepresentation).
  4. Informed consent in the US can be overridden in emergency medical situations pursuant to 21CFR50.24, which was first brought to the general public’s attention via the controversy surrounding the study of Polyheme (a temporary oxygen-carrying blood substitute made from human haemoglobin).

Valid Elements

For an individual to give valid informed consent, three components must be present: disclosure, capacity and voluntariness.

ComponentOutline
DisclosureThis requires the researcher to supply each prospective subject with the information necessary to make an autonomous decision and also to ensure that the subject adequately understands the information provided. This latter requirement implies that a written consent form be written in lay language suited for the comprehension skills of subject population, as well as assessing the level of understanding through conversation (to be informed).
CapacityThis pertains to the ability of the subject to both understand the information provided and form a reasonable judgement based on the potential consequences of their decision.
VoluntarinessThis refers to the subject’s right to freely exercise their decision making without being subjected to external pressure such as coercion, manipulation, or undue influence.

Waiver of Requirement

Waiver of the consent requirement may be applied in certain circumstances where no foreseeable harm is expected to result from the study or when permitted by law, federal regulations, or if an ethical review committee has approved the non-disclosure of certain information.

Besides studies with minimal risk, waivers of consent may be obtained in a military setting. According to 10 USC 980, the United States Code for the Armed Forces, Limitations on the Use of Humans as Experimental Subjects, a waiver of advanced informed consent may be granted by the Secretary of Defence if a research project would:

  • Directly benefit subjects.
  • Advance the development of a medical product necessary to the military.
  • Be carried out under all laws and regulations (i.e. Emergency Research Consent Waiver) including those pertinent to the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA).

While informed consent is a basic right and should be carried out effectively, if a patient is incapacitated due to injury or illness, it is still important that patients benefit from emergency experimentation. FDA and the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) joined to create federal guidelines to permit emergency research, without informed consent. However, they can only proceed with the research if they obtain:

  • A waiver of informed consent (WIC); or
  • An emergency exception from informed consent (EFIC).

21st Century Cures Act

The 21st Century Cures Act enacted by the 114th United States Congress in December 2016 allows researchers to waive the requirement for informed consent when clinical testing “poses no more than minimal risk” and “includes appropriate safeguards to protect the rights, safety, and welfare of the human subject.”

Medical Sociology

Medical sociologists have studied informed consent as well bioethics more generally. Oonagh Corrigan, looking at informed consent for research in patients, argues that much of the conceptualization of informed consent comes from research ethics and bioethics with a focus on patient autonomy, and notes that this aligns with a neoliberal worldview.  Corrigan argues that a model based solely around individual decision making does not accurately describe the reality of consent because of social processes: a view that has started to be acknowledged in bioethics.  She feels that the liberal principles of informed consent are often in opposition with autocratic medical practices such that norms values and systems of expertise often shape and individuals ability to apply choice.

Patients who agree to participate in trials often do so because they feel that the trial was suggested by a doctor as the best intervention.  Patients may find being asked to consent within a limited time frame a burdensome intrusion on their care when it arises because a patient has to deal with a new condition.  Patients involved in trials may not be fully aware of the alternative treatments, and an awareness that there is uncertainty in the best treatment can help make patients more aware of this.  Corrigan notes that patients generally expect that doctors are acting exclusively in their interest in interactions and that this combined with “clinical equipose” where a healthcare practitioner does not know which treatment is better in a randomised control trial can be harmful to the doctor-patient relationship.

Medical Procedures

The doctrine of informed consent relates to professional negligence and establishes a breach of the duty of care owed to the patient (see duty of care, breach of the duty, and respect for persons). The doctrine of informed consent also has significant implications for medical trials of medications, devices, or procedures.

Requirements of the Professional

Until 2015 in the United Kingdom and in countries such as Malaysia and Singapore, informed consent in medical procedures requires proof as to the standard of care to expect as a recognised standard of acceptable professional practice (the Bolam Test: Bolam v Friern Hospital Management Committee [1957] 1 WLR 582), that is, what risks would a medical professional usually disclose in the circumstances (see Loss of right in English law). Arguably, this is “sufficient consent” rather than “informed consent.” The UK has since departed from the Bolam test for judging standards of informed consent, due to the landmark ruling in Montgomery v Lanarkshire Health Board [2015] UKSC 11. This moves away from the concept of a reasonable physician and instead uses the standard of a reasonable patient, and what risks an individual would attach significance to.

Medicine in the United States, Australia, and Canada also takes this patient-centric approach to “informed consent.” Informed consent in these jurisdictions requires healthcare providers to disclose significant risks, as well as risks of particular importance to that patient. This approach combines an objective (a hypothetical reasonable patient) and subjective (this particular patient) approach.

The doctrine of informed consent should be contrasted with the general doctrine of medical consent, which applies to assault or battery. The consent standard here is only that the person understands, in general terms, the nature of and purpose of the intended intervention. As the higher standard of informed consent applies to negligence, not battery, the other elements of negligence must be made out. Significantly, causation must be shown: That had the individual been made aware of the risk he would not have proceeded with the operation (or perhaps with that surgeon).

Optimal establishment of an informed consent requires adaptation to cultural or other individual factors of the patient. For example, people from Mediterranean and Arab appear to rely more on the context of the delivery of the information, with the information being carried more by who is saying it and where, when, and how it is being said, rather than what is said, which is of relatively more importance in typical “Western” countries.

The informed consent doctrine is generally implemented through good healthcare practice: pre-operation discussions with patients and the use of medical consent forms in hospitals. However, reliance on a signed form should not undermine the basis of the doctrine in giving the patient an opportunity to weigh and respond to the risk. In one British case, a doctor performing routine surgery on a woman noticed that she had cancerous tissue in her womb. He took the initiative to remove the woman’s womb; however, as she had not given informed consent for this operation, the doctor was judged by the General Medical Council to have acted negligently. The council stated that the woman should have been informed of her condition, and allowed to make her own decision.

Obtaining Informed Consent

To document that informed consent has been given for a procedure, healthcare organisations have traditionally used paper-based consent forms on which the procedure and its risks and benefits are noted, and is signed by both patient and clinician. In a number of healthcare organisations consent forms are scanned and maintained in an electronic document store. The paper consent process has been demonstrated to be associated with significant errors of omission, and therefore increasing numbers of organisations are using digital consent applications where the risk of errors can be minimised, a patient’s decision making and comprehension can be supported by additional lay-friendly and accessible information, consent can be completed remotely, and the process can become paperless. One form of digital consent is dynamic consent, which invites participants to provide consent in a granular way, and makes it easier for them to withdraw consent if they wish.

Electronic consent methods have been used to support indexing and retrieval of consent data, thus enhancing the ability to honour to patient intent and identify willing research participants. More recently, Health Sciences South Carolina, a statewide research collaborative focused on transforming healthcare quality, health information systems and patient outcomes, developed an open-source system called Research Permissions Management System (RPMS).

Competency of the Patient

The ability to give informed consent is governed by a general requirement of competency. In common law jurisdictions, adults are presumed competent to consent. This presumption can be rebutted, for instance, in circumstances of mental illness or other incompetence. This may be prescribed in legislation or based on a common-law standard of inability to understand the nature of the procedure. In cases of incompetent adults, a health care proxy makes medical decisions. In the absence of a proxy, the medical practitioner is expected to act in the patient’s best interests until a proxy can be found.

By contrast, ‘minors’ (which may be defined differently in different jurisdictions) are generally presumed incompetent to consent, but depending on their age and other factors may be required to provide Informed assent. In some jurisdictions (e.g. much of the US), this is a strict standard. In other jurisdictions (e.g. England, Australia, Canada), this presumption may be rebutted through proof that the minor is ‘mature’ (the ‘Gillick standard‘). In cases of incompetent minors, informed consent is usually required from the parent (rather than the ‘best interests standard’) although a parens patriae order may apply, allowing the court to dispense with parental consent in cases of refusal (In law, parens patriae refers the public policy power of the state to intervene against an abusive or negligent parent, legal guardian, or informal caretaker, and to act as the parent of any child, individual or animal who is in need of protection).

Deception

Research involving deception is controversial given the requirement for informed consent. Deception typically arises in social psychology, when researching a particular psychological process requires that investigators deceive subjects. For example, in the Milgram experiment, researchers wanted to determine the willingness of participants to obey authority figures despite their personal conscientious objections. They had authority figures demand that participants deliver what they thought was an electric shock to another research participant. For the study to succeed, it was necessary to deceive the participants so they believed that the subject was a peer and that their electric shocks caused the peer actual pain.

Nonetheless, research involving deception prevents subjects from exercising their basic right of autonomous informed decision-making and conflicts with the ethical principle of respect for persons.

The Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct set by the American Psychological Association says that psychologists may conduct research that includes a deceptive compartment only if they can both justify the act by the value and importance of the study’s results and show they could not obtain the results by some other way. Moreover, the research should bear no potential harm to the subject as an outcome of deception, either physical pain or emotional distress. Finally, the code requires a debriefing session in which the experimenter both tells the subject about the deception and gives subject the option of withdrawing the data.

Abortion

In some US states, informed consent laws (sometimes called “right to know” laws) require that a woman seeking an elective abortion receive information from the abortion provider about her legal rights, alternatives to abortion (such as adoption), available public and private assistance, and other information specified in the law, before the abortion is performed. Other countries with such laws (e.g. Germany) require that the information giver be properly certified to make sure that no abortion is carried out for the financial gain of the abortion provider and to ensure that the decision to have an abortion is not swayed by any form of incentive.

Some informed consent laws have been criticised for allegedly using “loaded language in an apparently deliberate attempt to ‘personify’ the fetus,” but those critics acknowledge that “most of the information in the [legally mandated] materials about abortion comports with recent scientific findings and the principles of informed consent”, although “some content is either misleading or altogether incorrect.”

From Children

As children often lack the decision making ability or legal power (competence) to provide true informed consent for medical decisions, it often falls on parents or legal guardians to provide informed permission for medical decisions. This “consent by proxy” usually works reasonably well, but can lead to ethical dilemmas when the judgment of the parents or guardians and the medical professional differ with regard to what constitutes appropriate decisions “in the best interest of the child”. Children who are legally emancipated, and certain situations such as decisions regarding sexually transmitted diseases or pregnancy, or for unemancipated minors who are deemed to have medical decision making capacity, may be able to provide consent without the need for parental permission depending on the laws of the jurisdiction the child lives in. The American Academy of Paediatrics encourages medical professionals also to seek the assent of older children and adolescents by providing age appropriate information to these children to help empower them in the decision making process.

Research on children has benefited society in many ways. The only effective way to establish normal patterns of growth and metabolism is to do research on infants and young children. When addressing the issue of informed consent with children, the primary response is parental consent. This is valid, although only legal guardians are able to consent for a child, not adult siblings.[41] Additionally, parents may not order the termination of a treatment that is required to keep a child alive, even if they feel it is in the best interest.[41] Guardians are typically involved in the consent of children, however a number of doctrines have developed that allow children to receive health treatments without parental consent. For example, emancipated minors may consent to medical treatment, and minors can also consent in an emergency.

Consent to Research

Informed consent is part of the ethical clinical research as well, in which a human subject voluntarily confirms his or her willingness to participate in a particular clinical trial, after having been informed of all aspects of the trial that are relevant to the subject’s decision to participate. Informed consent is documented by means of a written, signed, and dated informed consent form. In medical research, the Nuremberg Code set a base international standard in 1947, which continued to develop, for example in response to the ethical violation in the Holocaust. Nowadays, medical research is overseen by an ethics committee that also oversees the informed consent process.

As the medical guidelines established in the Nuremberg Code were imported into the ethical guidelines for the social sciences, informed consent became a common part of the research procedure. However, while informed consent is the default in medical settings, it is not always required in the social science. Here, research often involves low or no risk for participants, unlike in many medical experiments. Second, the mere knowledge that they participate in a study can cause people to alter their behaviour, as in the Hawthorne Effect:

“In the typical lab experiment, subjects enter an environment in which they are keenly aware that their behavior is being monitored, recorded, and subsequently scrutinized.”

In such cases, seeking informed consent directly interferes with the ability to conduct the research, because the very act of revealing that a study is being conducted is likely to alter the behaviour studied. List exemplifies the potential dilemma that can result:

“if one were interested in exploring whether, and to what extent, race or gender influences the prices that buyers pay for used cars, it would be difficult to measure accurately the degree of discrimination among used car dealers who know that they are taking part in an experiment.”

In cases where such interference is likely, and after careful consideration, a researcher may forgo the informed consent process. This is commonly done after weighting the risk to study participants versus the benefit to society and whether participants are present in the study out of their own wish and treated fairly. Researchers often consult with an ethics committee or institutional review board to render a decision.

The birth of new online media, such as social media, has complicated the idea of informed consent. In an online environment people pay little attention to Terms of Use agreements and can subject themselves to research without thorough knowledge. This issue came to the public light following a study conducted by Facebook Inc. in 2014, and published by that company and Cornell University. Facebook conducted a study where they altered the Facebook News Feeds of roughly 700,000 users to reduce either the amount of positive or negative posts they saw for a week. The study then analysed if the users status updates changed during the different conditions. The study was published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

The lack of informed consent led to outrage among many researchers and users. Many believed that by potentially altering the mood of users by altering what posts they see, Facebook put at-risk individuals at higher dangers for depression and suicide. However, supports of Facebook claim that Facebook details that they have the right to use information for research in their terms of use. Others say the experiment is just a part of Facebook’s current work, which alters News Feeds algorithms continually to keep people interested and coming back to the site. Others pointed out that this specific study is not along but that news organizations constantly try out different headlines using algorithms to elicit emotions and garner clicks or Facebook shares. They say this Facebook study is no different from things people already accept. Still, others say that Facebook broke the law when conducting the experiment on user that didn’t give informed consent.

The Facebook study controversy raises numerous questions about informed consent and the differences in the ethical review process between publicly and privately funded research. Some say Facebook was within its limits and others see the need for more informed consent and/or the establishment of in-house private review boards.

Conflicts of Interest

Other, long-standing controversies underscore the role for conflicts of interest among medical school faculty and researchers. For example, coverage of University of California (UC) medical school faculty members has included news of ongoing corporate payments to researchers and practitioners from companies that market and produce the very devices and treatments they recommend to patients.

Robert Pedowitz, the former chairman of UCLA’s orthopaedic surgery department, reported concern that his colleague’s financial conflicts of interest could negatively affect patient care or research into new treatments. In a subsequent lawsuit about whistleblower retaliation, the university provided a $10 million settlement to Pedowitz while acknowledging no wrongdoing. Consumer Watchdog, an oversight group, observed that University of California policies were “either inadequate or unenforced…Patients in UC hospitals deserve the most reliable surgical devices and medication…and they shouldn’t be treated as subjects in expensive experiments.” Other UC incidents include taking the eggs of women for implantation into other women without consent and injecting live bacteria into human brains, resulting in potentially premature deaths.

What is Inner Peace?

Introduction

Inner peace (or peace of mind) refers to a deliberate state of psychological or spiritual calm despite the potential presence of stressors such as the burden arising from pretending to be someone.

Refer to Ataraxia.

Background

Being “at peace” is considered by many to be healthy (homeostasis) and the opposite of being stressed or anxious, and is considered to be a state where our mind performs at an optimal level with a positive outcome. Peace of mind is thus generally associated with bliss, happiness and contentment.

Peace of mind, serenity, and calmness are descriptions of a disposition free from the effects of stress. In some cultures, inner peace is considered a state of consciousness or enlightenment that may be cultivated by various forms of training, such as breathing exercises, prayer, meditation, tai chi or yoga, for example. Many spiritual practices refer to this peace as an experience of knowing oneself.

People have difficulties embracing their inner spirituality because everyday stressors get the best of them; finding peace and happiness in the little joys of life can seem difficult, and results do not seem all that gratifying. Achieving spirituality is a step-by-step process; there are ways through which one can become more spiritual every day.

Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama, emphasizes the importance of inner peace in the world:

The question of real, lasting world peace concerns human beings, so basic human feelings are also at its roots. Through inner peace, genuine world peace can be achieved. In this the importance of individual responsibility is quite clear; an atmosphere of peace must first be created within ourselves, then gradually expanded to include our families, our communities, and ultimately the whole planet.

What is Inner Relationship Focusing?

Introduction

Inner Relationship Focusing (IRF) is a psychotherapeutic system and process developed by Ann Weiser Cornell and Barbara McGavin, as a refinement and expansion of the Focusing process discovered and developed by Eugene Gendlin in the late 1960s.

IRF is a process for emotional healing, and for accessing positive energy and insights for forward movement in one’s life.

Cornell, while a graduate student in Linguistics at the University of Chicago, met Gendlin in 1972 and learned his technique. In 1980 she began collaborating with him in teaching his Focusing workshops. Using her capacity for linguistics, Cornell helped develop the concept of Focusing guiding, and in the early 1980s she offered the first seminars on Focusing guiding. Her continuation of this process led to her development, with Barbara McGavin, of Inner Relationship Focusing.

Brief History

IRF took shape when Ann Weiser Cornell moved from Chicago to California in 1983 and began teaching Focusing to people who knew nothing about it. She discovered that many people who were not automatically adept at it needed new techniques and new language to draw out their ability to learn the process. Eventually her discoveries of what worked best for the majority of people, combined with the input, inspiration, and insights of her British collaborator Barbara McGavin, evolved into IRF in the 1990s. Cornell incorporated her new techniques and insights into her first books, The Focusing Student’s Manual (1993) and The Focusing Guide’s Manual (1994) – both later revised with Barbara McGavin and published in 2002 as The Focusing Student’s and Companion’s Manual – and in all of her subsequent books, which have become classic textbooks on Focusing.

Description

IRF is a refined and expanded form of Eugene Gendlin’s original six-step process of Focusing, which he had detailed in his 1978 book of the same title. IRF emphasizes being in gentle, allowing relationship with all parts of one’s being, including parts that are in conflict, parts often denied or pushed away as unacceptable or demeaning, parts that are overwhelming, and parts that are so buried or subtle they need to be drawn out with patience and gentleness. In allowing all aspects of the personality to be held in acceptance and awareness, new insights and shifts can emerge and healing can occur. IRF therefore emphasizes the relationship of the Self with the various inner aspects, however painful, and it relies specifically on a quality of Presence, or the ability of the Self to be present with these aspects in a quality of friendliness, gentle curiosity, and nonjudgement. A major feature of IRF is gently finding out how a specific aspect or felt experience feels from its point of view. Another feature is giving awareness to parts of oneself that are opposing – either afraid of or objecting to – a difficult or troublesome part. IRF radically allows and accepts all parts or inner experiences. It also avoids the extremes of denial/”exile” and merging/identification/overwhelm, through using the quality of Presence to gently experience and navigate one’s inner world in a calm, detached, but gently curious and inviting way.

Differences from Gendlin’s Original Focusing

Eugene Gendlin’s original Focusing process, described in his 1978 book, is a process that he generalises as having six steps:

  1. Clearing a space;
  2. Allowing a “felt sense” to form;
  3. Finding a handle;
  4. Resonating;
  5. Asking; and
  6. Receiving.

IRF, developed in the late 1980s through the late 1990s, is a more fluid process, and eschews or modifies certain aspects of Gendlin’s. For instance, rather than clearing a space, IRF uses a mental scan of the body for what feels open and alive, and what needs acknowledging – without moving any issue “out” – in order to more fully accept or find what may be wanting attention.

Rather than “asking”, the Focuser uses the quality of Presence to allow what wants to be expressed – hidden feelings, thoughts, and incipient information – to come forth. The guide, if used, gives gentle suggestions rather than asking questions in order not to intrude on the process or deflect attention away from the inner experience. This stage, which includes the stage called “resonating” in Gendlin’s format, is an important and lengthy one in IRF, and includes settling down with “it” (the felt experience or the partial self), keeping it company, and sensing its point of view, including what it wants and what it does not want.

An important principle in IRF is not denying or exiling any thoughts, feelings, or partial selves – not even the inner critic – but rather empathising with all parts and aspects and sensing what they want to communicate and why. Cornell calls this “the radical acceptance of everything”. Another central principle is the aspect of Presence, or “Self-in-Presence”: gentle listening, with equanimity, to everything that comes up in the Focusing process. In addition, specific language and language/thought patterns are encouraged, which Cornell calls “Presence language”, in order to facilitate this process. And as indicated by its name, IRF gives high priority to the relationship of the Focuser to his inwardly felt experience or aspects of his inner life. The role of the guide, if one is used, is to support this relationship.

Influence

Since the early 1990s Cornell has taught IRF throughout the US at venues including Esalen, the National Institute for the Clinical Application of Behavioural Medicine, and the American Psychological Association, and also around the world. IRF is now used and taught all over the world, including in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Psychologist and self-help author Helene Brenner calls IRF “one of the most powerful techniques I know for emotional healing”. CC Leigh, whose Inseeing Process of self-healing and spiritual growth is largely based on IRF, calls IRF a “highly refined technology for getting in touch with the inner dynamics that typically lie beneath the threshold of awareness, and befriending them from a state of Presence so they can open up and organically evolve”. IRF has been recommended in several 21st-century psychology textbooks, stress-reduction manuals, and other self-improvement texts, and it is the commonest adaptation of the Focusing form used today.

What is GROW (Support Group)?

Introduction

GROW is a peer support and mutual-aid organisation for recovery from, and prevention of, serious mental illness. GROW was founded in Sydney, Australia in 1957 by Father Cornelius B. “Con” Keogh, a Roman Catholic priest, and psychiatric patients who sought help with their mental illness in Alcoholics Anonymous (AA).

Consequently, GROW adapted many of AA’s principles and practices. As the organisation matured, GROW members learned of Recovery International, an organisation also created to help people with serious mental illness, and integrated pieces of its will-training methods. As of 2005 there were more than 800 GROW groups active worldwide. GROW groups are open to anyone who would like to join, though they specifically seek out those who have a history of psychiatric hospitalisation or are socioeconomically disadvantaged. Despite the capitalisation, GROW is not an acronym. Much of GROW’s initial development was made possible with support from Orval Hobart Mowrer, Reuben F. Scarf, W. Clement Stone and Lions Clubs International.

Processes

GROW’s literature includes the Twelve Stages of Decline, which indicate that emotional illness begins with self-centeredness, and the Twelve Steps of Personal Growth, a blend of AA’s Twelve Steps and will-training methods from Recovery International. GROW members view recovery as an ongoing life process rather than an outcome and are expected to continue following the Steps after completing them in order to maintain their mental health.

The Twelve Stages of Decline

  1. We gave too much importance to ourselves and our feelings.
  2. We grew inattentive to God’s presence and providence and God’s natural order in our lives.
  3. We let competitive motives, in our dealings with others, prevail over our common personal welfare.
  4. We expressed our suppressed certain feelings against the better judgement of conscience or sound advice.
  5. We began thinking in isolation from others, following feelings and imagination instead of reason.
  6. We neglected the care and control of our bodies.
  7. We avoided recognising our personal decline and shrank from the task of changing.
  8. We systematically disguised in our imaginations the real nature of our unhealthy conduct.
  9. We became a prey to obsessions, delusions and hallucinations.
  10. We practised irrational habits, under elated feelings of irresponsibility or despairing feelings of inability or compulsion.
  11. We rejected advice and refused to co-operate with help.
  12. We lost all insight into our condition.

The Twelve Steps of Recovery and Personal Growth

  1. We admitted to personal disorder in our lives.
  2. We firmly resolved to restore order in our lives and co-operated with the help that we needed.
  3. We surrendered to the healing power God or We surrendered to the healing power of truth.
  4. We made personal inventory and accepted ourselves.
  5. We made moral inventory and cleaned out our hearts.
  6. We endured until ‘cured’.
  7. We took care and control of our bodies.
  8. We learned to think by reason rather than by feelings and imagination.
  9. We trained our wills to regulate our feelings.
  10. We took our responsible and caring place in the wider community.
  11. We grew daily closer to maturity.
  12. We carried GROW’s hopeful, healing, and transforming message to others in need.

GROW suggests atheists and agnostics use “We became inattentive to objective natural order in our lives” and “We trusted in a health-giving power in our lives as a whole” for the Second Stage of Decline and Third Step of Personal Growth, respectively.

Results of Qualitative Analysis

Statistical evaluations of interviews with GROW members found they identified self-reliance, industriousness, peer support, and gaining a sense of personal value or self-esteem as the essential ingredients of recovery. Similar evaluations of GROW’s literature revealed thirteen core principles of GROW’s program. They are reproduced in the list below by order of relevance, with a quote from GROW’s literature, explaining the principle.

  1. Be Reasonable: “We learned to think by reason rather than by feelings and imagination.”
  2. Decentralize, participate in community: “…decentralization from self and participation in a community of persons is the very process of recovery or personal growth.”
  3. Surrender to the Healing Power of a wise and loving God: “God, who made me and everything connected with me, can overcome any and every evil that affects my life.”
  4. Grow Closer to Maturity: “Maturity is a coming to terms with oneself, with others, and with life as a whole.”
  5. Activate One’s Self to Recover and Grow “Take your fingers off your pulse and start living.”
  6. Become Hopeful: “I can, and ultimately will, become completely well; God who made me can restore me and enable me to do my part. The best in life and love and happiness is ahead of me.”
  7. Settle for Disorder: “Settle for disorder in lesser things for the sake of order in greater things; and therefore be content to be discontent in many things.”
  8. Be Ordinary: “I can do whatever ordinary good people do, and avoid whatever ordinary good people avoid. My special abilities will develop in harmony only if my foremost aim is to be a good ordinary human being.”
  9. Help Others: We carried the GROW message to others in need.
  10. Accept One’s Personal Value: “No matter how bad my physical, mental, social or spiritual condition I am always a human person, loved by God and a connecting link between persons; I am still valuable, my life has a purpose, and I have my unique place and my unique part in my Creator’s own saving, healing and transforming work.”
  11. Use GROW: “Use the hopeful and cheerful language of GROW.”
  12. Gain Insight: “We made moral inventory and cleaned out our hearts.”
  13. Accept Help: “We firmly resolved to get well and co-operated with the help that we needed.”

Effectiveness

Participation in GROW has been shown to decrease the number of hospitalisations per member as well as the duration of hospitalisations when they occur. Members report an increased sense of security and self-esteem, and decreased anxiety. A longitudinal study of GROW membership found time involved in the programme correlated with increased autonomy, environmental mastery, personal growth, self-acceptance and social skills. Women in particular experience positive identity transformation, build friendships and find a sense of community in GROW groups.

Literature

The Programme of Growth to Maturity, generally referred to as the ‘Blue Book’, is the principal literature used in GROW groups. The book is divided into three sections based on the developmental stages of members: ‘Beginning Growers’, ‘Progressing Growers’ and ‘Seasoned Growers’. Additionally, there are three related books written by Cornelius B. Keogh, and one by Anne Waters, used in conjunction with the Blue Book.

  • GROW (1983). GROW: World Community Mental Health Movement: The Program of Growth to Maturity (the “Blue Book”). Sydney, Australia: GROW Publications. OCLC 66288113.
  • Keogh, Cornelius B. (1975). Readings for mental health (the “Brown Book”). Sydney, Australia: GROW Publications. ISBN 0-909114-00-5. OCLC 47699449.
  • Keogh, Cornelius B.; GROW (Australia) (1967). Readings for recovery (the “Red Book”). Sydney Australia: GROW. OCLC 154602570.
  • Keogh, Cornelius B. (1967). Recovery. Sydney, Australia. OCLC 57499165.
  • Waters, Anne (2005). GROWing to Maturity: A Potpourri of Readings for Mental Health (the “Lavender Book”). GROW in Ireland Ltd. ISBN 0-9529198-2-6.

What is the Hearing Voices Movement?

Introduction

The Hearing Voices Movement (HVM) is the name used by organisations and individuals advocating the “hearing voices approach”, an alternative way of understanding the experience of those people who “hear voices”.

In the medical professional literature, ‘voices’ are most often referred to as auditory verbal hallucinations. The movement uses the term ‘hearing voices’, which it feels is a more accurate and ‘user-friendly’ term.

The movement was instigated by Marius Romme, Sandra Escher and Patsy Hage in 1987. It challenges the notion that to hear voices is necessarily a characteristic of mental illness. Instead it regards hearing voices as a meaningful and understandable, although unusual, human variation. It therefore rejects the stigma and pathologisation of hearing voices and advocates human rights, social justice and support for people who hear voices that is empowering and recovery focused. The movement thus challenges the medical model of mental illness, specifically the validity of the schizophrenia construct.

Refer to Hearing Voices Network.

Brief History

The international Hearing Voices Movement is a prominent mental health service-user/survivor movement that promotes the needs and perspectives of experts by experience in the phenomenon of hearing voices (auditory verbal hallucinations). The main tenet of the Hearing Voices Movement is the notion that hearing voices is a meaningful human experience.

The Hearing Voices Movement regards itself and is regarded by others as being a post-psychiatric organisation. It positions itself outside of the mental health world in recognition that voices are an aspect of human difference, rather than a mental health problem. One of the main issues of concern for the Hearing Voices Movement is empowerment and human rights as outlined in its Melbourne Hearing Voices Declaration 2013 and Thessaloniki Declaration 2014.

The Hearing Voices Movement also seeks holistic health solutions to problematic and overwhelming voices that cause mental distress. Based on their research, the movement espouses that many people successfully live with their voices. In themselves voices are not seen as the problem. Rather it is the relationship the person has with their voices that is regarded as the main issue. Research indicates that mindfulness-based interventions can be beneficial for people distressed by hearing voices.

The Hearing Voices Movement has developed interventions for mental health practitioners to support people who hear voices and are overwhelmed by the experience.

Position

The position of the hearing voices movement can be summarised as follows:

  • Hearing voices is not in itself a sign of mental illness.
  • Hearing voices is part of the diversity of being a human, it is a faculty that is common (3-10% of the population will hear a voice or voices in their lifetime) and significant.
  • Hearing voices is experienced by many people who do not have symptoms that would lead to diagnosis of mental illness.
  • Hearing voices is often related to problems in life history.
  • If hearing voices causes distress, the person who hears the voices can learn strategies to cope with the experience.
  • Coping is often achieved by confronting the past problems that lie behind the experience.

Theoretical Overview

The work of Marius Romme, Sandra Escher and other researchers provides a theoretical framework for the movement. They find that:

  • Not everyone who hears voices becomes a patient. Over a third of 400 voice hearers in the Netherlands they studied had not had any contact with psychiatric services. These people either described themselves as being able to cope with their voices and/or described their voices as life enhancing.
  • Demographic (epidemiological) research carried out over the last 120 years provides evidence that there are people who hear voices in the general population (2%-6%) who are not necessarily troubled by them). Only a small minority fulfil the criteria for a psychiatric diagnosis and, of those, only a few seek psychiatric aid indicating that hearing voices in itself is not necessarily a symptom of an illness. Even more (about 8%) have peculiar delusions and do so without being ill.
  • People who cope well with their voices and those who did not, show clear differences in terms of the nature of the relationship they had with their voices.
  • People who live well with their voice experience use different strategies to manage their voices than those voice hearers who are overwhelmed by them.
  • 70% of voice hearers reported that their voices had begun after a severe traumatic or intensely emotional event such as an accident, divorce or bereavement, sexual or physical abuse, love affairs, or pregnancy. Romme and colleagues found that the onset of voice hearing amongst a patient group was preceded by either a traumatic event or an event that activated the memory of an earlier trauma.
  • Specifically, there is a high correlation between voice hearing and abuse. These findings are being substantiated further in on-going studies with voice hearing amongst children.
  • Some people who hear voices have a deep need to construct a personal understanding for their experiences and to talk to others about it without being designated as mad.

Romme, colleagues and other researchers find that people who hear voices can be helped using methods such as voice dialoguing cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) and self-help methods.

Romme theorises a three phase model of recovery:

StartlingInitial confusion; emotional chaos, fear, helplessness and psychological turmoil.
OrganisationThe need to find meaning, arrive at some understanding and acceptance. The development of ways of coping and accommodating voices in everyday living. This task may take months or years and is marked by the attempt to enter into active negotiation with the voice(s).
StabilisationThe establishment of equilibrium, and accommodation, with the voice(s), and the consequent re-empowerment of the person.

Alternative to Medical Model of Disability

The Hearing Voices Movement disavows the medical model of disability and disapproves of the practises of mental health services through much of the Western world, such as treatment solely with medication. For example, some service users have reported negative experiences of mental health services because they are discouraged from talking about their voices as these are seen solely as symptoms of psychiatric illness. Slade and Bentall conclude that the failure to attend to hallucinatory experiences and/or have the opportunity for dialogue about them is likely to have the effect of helping to maintain them.

In Voices of Reason, Voices of Insanity, Leudar and Thomas review nearly 3,000 years of voice-hearing history. They argue that the Western World has moved the experience of hearing voices from a socially valued context to a pathologised and denigrated one. Foucault has argued that this process can generally arise when a minority perspective is at odds with dominant social norms and beliefs.

Organisation

The Hearing Voices Movement was established in 1987 by Romme and Escher, both from the Netherlands, with the formation of Stichting Weerklank (Foundation Resonance), a peer led support organisation for people who hear voices. In 1988, the Hearing Voices Network was established in England with the active support of Romme. Since then, networks have been established in 35 countries.

INTERVOICE (The International Network for Training, Education and Research into Hearing Voices) is the organisation that provides coordination and support to the Hearing Voices Movement. It is supported by people who hear voices, relatives, friends and mental health professionals including therapists, social workers, nurses, psychiatrists and psychologists.

INTERVOICE was formed in 1997, at a meeting of voice hearers, family members and mental health workers was held in Maastricht, Netherlands to consider how to organise internationally further research and work about the subject of voice hearing. The meeting decided to create a formal organisational structure to provide administrative and coordinating support to the wide variety of initiatives in the different involved countries.

The organisation is structured as a network and was incorporated in 2007 as a non-profit company and charity under UK law. It operates under the name of International Hearing Voices Projects Ltd. The president is Marius Romme and the governing body is made up of people who hear voices and mental health practitioners.

Activities

Hearing Voices Groups

Hearing Voices Groups are based on an ethos of self-help, mutual respect and empathy. They provide a safe space for people to share their experiences and to support one another. They are peer support groups, involving social support and belonging, not necessarily therapy or treatment. Groups offer an opportunity for people to accept and live with their experiences in a way that helps them regain some power over their lives. There are hundreds of hearing voices groups and networks across the world. In 2014 there were more than 180 groups in the UK. These include groups for young people, people in prison, women and people from Black and Minority Ethnic communities.

World Hearing Voices Congress

INTERVOICE hosts the annual World Hearing Voices Congress. In 2015 the 7th Congress was held in Madrid, Spain, the 2016 Congress will be held in Paris, France. Previous conferences have been held in Maastricht, Netherlands, (2009); Nottingham, England (2010), Savona, Italy (2011), Cardiff, Wales (2012); Melbourne, Australia (2013); Thessaloniki, Greece (2014); Madrid, Spain (2015).

Annual World Hearing Voices Day

This is held on 14 September and celebrates hearing voices as part of the diversity of human experience, It seeks to increase awareness of the fact that you can hear voices and be healthy. It also challenges the negative attitudes towards people who hear voices and the assumption that hearing voices, in itself, is a sign of mental illness.

Website and Social Media Platforms

INTERVOICE maintains several forums on Twitter, Facebook and other social media platforms.

Research Committee

INTERVOICE has an international research committee, that commissions research, encourages and supports exchanges and visits between member countries, the translation and publication of books and other literature on the subject of hearing voices and other related extraordinary experiences.

Impact

Appearances in Media

  • Hearing Voices, Horizon Documentary, BBC, UK (1995).
  • Angels and Demons directed by Sonya Pemberton, f2003; produced by ABC Commercial, in Enough Rope, Episode 162.
  • The Doctor Who Hears Voices, Channel 4, UK.
  • The voices in my head TED2013, Filmed February 2013.

Hearing Voices Network Cymru (Wales) maintains a media archive of articles and news items about hearing voices for the last seven years.

A study investigating media reports of the experience of hearing voices found that 84% of the articles in the study contained no suggestion that voice-hearing can be ‘normal’. Half of those that did, put voice-hearing in a religious or spiritual context, for example considering the case of Joan of Arc. Most of the articles (81.8%) connected voice-hearing to mental illness. In some cases, auditory verbal hallucinations were simply equated with insanity.

Criticism of the Hearing Voices Movement

The Hearing Voices Movement has been criticised for its stance on medication and schizophrenia and for promoting non-medical and non-evidence-based approaches to severe mental illnesses in articles by Susan Inman from the Huffington Post, such as “People Who Hear Voices Need Science-Based Advice” in 2013, and “What You’re not Hearing About the Hearing Voices Movement” in 2015.

Specific criticisms of the hearing voices approach include:

  • Using ideas that do not support science-based ways of understanding illness.
  • Undermines people’s trust in medical help that might be crucial to their wellbeing.
  • Encourages people to focus on their voices when they may be having a hard time differentiating between what is real and what is not real.
  • Does not recognise the very different needs of people with severe mental illnesses.
  • By failing to differentiate between the needs of people who actually have psychotic disorders and those who do not, HVM poses serious risks.
  • Poses real danger for the substantial number of people who lack insight into their psychotic disorder.
  • People struggling with psychotic symptoms should not be advised to emphasize the meaning of auditory hallucinations.

What is Hypervigilance?

Introduction

Hypervigilance is when the nervous system is inaccurately filtering sensory information and the individual is in an enhanced state of sensory sensitivity.

This appears to be linked to a dysregulated nervous system which can often be caused by traumatic events or post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

Background

Normally, the nervous system releases stress signals in certain situations as a defence mechanism to protect one from perceived dangers. In some cases, the nervous system becomes chronically dysregulated, causing a release of stress signals that are inappropriate to the situation, creating inappropriate and exaggerated responses. Hypervigilance may bring about a state of increased anxiety which can cause exhaustion. Other symptoms include:

  • Abnormally increased arousal;
  • A high responsiveness to stimuli; and
  • A constant scanning of the environment.

In hypervigilance, there is a perpetual scanning of the environment to search for sights, sounds, people, behaviours, smells, or anything else that is reminiscent of activity, threat or trauma. The individual is placed on high alert in order to be certain danger is not near. Hypervigilance can lead to a variety of obsessive behaviour patterns, as well as producing difficulties with social interaction and relationships.

Hypervigilance is differentiated from dysphoric hyperarousal in that the person remains cogent and aware of their surroundings. In dysphoric hyperarousal, a person with PTSD may lose contact with reality and re-experience the traumatic event verbatim. Where there have been multiple traumas, a person may become hypervigilant and suffer severe anxiety attacks intense enough to induce a delusional state where the effects of related traumas overlap. This can result in the thousand-yard stare.

Hypervigilance can be a symptom of PTSD and various types of anxiety disorders. It is distinguished from paranoia. Paranoid diagnoses, such as can occur in schizophrenia, can seem superficially similar, but are characteristically different.

Symptoms

People suffering from hypervigilance may become preoccupied with scanning their environment for possible threats. They might ‘overreact’ to loud and unexpected noises, exhibit an overactive startle response or become agitated in highly crowded or noisy environments. They will often have a difficult time getting to sleep or staying asleep.

Sustained states of hypervigilance, lasting for a decade or more, may lead to higher sensitivity to disturbances in their local environment, and an inability to tolerate large gatherings or groups. After resolution of the situation demanding their attention, people exhibiting hypervigilance may be exhausted and require time to ‘recharge’ before returning to normal activities.

What is Foreclosure (Psychoanalysis)?

Introduction

Foreclosure (also known as “foreclusion”; French: forclusion) is the English translation of a term that the French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan introduced into psychoanalysis to identify a specific psychical cause for psychosis.

Brief History

According to Élisabeth Roudinesco, the term was originally introduced into psychology ‘in 1928, when Édouard Pichon published, in Pierre Janet’s review, his article on “The Psychological Significance of Negation in French”: “…[and] borrowed the legal term forclusif to indicate facts that the speaker no longer sees as part of reality’.

According to Christophe Laudou, the term was introduced by Damourette and Pichon.

Freud vs Laforgue

The publication took part against the background of the Twenties dispute between Freud and René Laforgue over scotomisation. ‘If I am not mistaken’, Freud wrote in 1927, ‘Laforgue would say in this case that the boy “scotomises” his perception of the woman’s lack of a penis. A new technical term is justified when it describes a new fact or emphasizes it. This is not the case here’. Freud went on to suggest that if one wanted to ‘reserve the word “Verdrängung” [“repression”] for the affect, then the correct German word for the vicissitude of the idea would be “Verleugnung” [“disavowal”]’.

Lacan’s Introduction of Foreclosure

In 1938 Lacan relates the origin of psychosis to an exclusion of the father from the family structure thereby reducing this structure to a mother-child relationship. Later on, when working on the distinctions between the real, imaginary and symbolic father, he specifies that it is the absence of the symbolic father which is linked to psychosis.

Lacan uses the Freudian term, Verwerfung, which the “Standard Edition” translates as “repudiation”, as a specific defence mechanism different from repression, “Verdrängung”, in which “the ego rejects the incompatible idea together with its affect and behaves as if the idea has never occurred to the ego at all.” In 1954 basing himself on a reading of the “Wolf Man” Lacan identifies Verwerfung as the specific mechanism of psychosis where an element is rejected outside the symbolic order as if it has never existed. In 1956 in his Seminar on Psychoses he translates Verwerfung as forclusion, that is foreclosure. “Let us extract from several of Freud’s texts a term that is sufficiently articulated in them to designate in them a function of the unconscious that is distinct from the repressed. Let us take as demonstrated the essence of my Seminar on the Psychoses, namely, that this term refers to psychosis: this term is Verwerfung (foreclosure)”.

Lacan and Psychosis

The problem Lacan sought to address with the twin tools of foreclosure and the signifier was that of the difference between psychosis and neurosis, as manifested in and indicated by language usage. It was common analytic ground that “when psychotics speak they always have some meanings that are too fixed, and some that are far too loose, they have a different relation to language, and a different way of speaking from neurotics.” Freud, following Bleuler and Jung had pointed to ‘a number of changes in speech…in schizophrenics…words are subjected to the same process as that which makes the dream’. Lacan used foreclosure to explain why.

When Lacan first uses the Freudian concept of Verwerfung (repudiation) in his search for a specific mechanism for psychosis, it is not clear what is repudiated (castration, speech). It is in 1957 in his article “On a question preliminary to any possible treatment of psychosis” that he advances the notion that it is the Name-of-the-Father (a fundamental signifier) that is the object of foreclosure. In this way Lacan combines two of his main themes on the causality of psychosis: the absence of the father and the concept of Verwerfung. This ideas remains central to Lacan’s thinking on psychosis throughout the rest of his work.

Lacan considered the father to play a vital role in breaking the initial mother/child duality and introducing the child to the wider world of culture, language, institutions and social reality – the Symbolic world – the father being “the human being who stands for the law and order that the mother plants in the life of the child…widens the child’s view of the world.” The result in normal development is “proper separation from the mother, as marked out by the Names-of-the-father.” Thus Lacan postulates the existence of a paternal function (the “Name of the Father” or “primordial signifier”) which allows the realm of the Symbolic to be bound to the realms of the Imaginary and the Real. This function prevents the developing child from being engulfed by its mother and allows him/her to emerge as a separate entity in his/her own right. It is a symbol of parental authority (a general symbol that represents the power of father of the Oedipus complex) that brings the child into the realm of the Symbolic by forcing him/her to act and to verbalise as an adult. As a result, the three realms are integrated in a way that is conducive to the creation of meaning and successful communication by means of what Lacan calls a Borromean knot.

When the Name-of-the-Father is foreclosed for a particular subject, it leaves a hole in the Symbolic order which can never be filled. The subject can then be said to have a psychotic structure, even if he shows none of the classical signs of psychosis. When the foreclosed Name-of-the-Father re-appears in the Real, the subject is unable to assimilate it and the result of this collision between the subject and the inassimilable signifier of the Name-of-the-father is the entry into psychosis proper characterized by the onset of hallucinations and/or delusions. In other words, when the paternal function is “foreclosed” from the Symbolic order, the realm of the Symbolic is insufficiently bound to the realm of the Imaginary and failures in meaning may occur (the Borromean knot becomes undone and the three realms completely disconnected), with “a disorder caused at the most personal juncture between the subject and his sense of being alive.” Psychosis is experienced after some environmental sign in the form of a signifier which the individual cannot assimilate is triggered, and this entails that “the Name-of-the-Father, is foreclosed, verworfen, is called into symbolic opposition to the subject.” The fabric of the individual’s reality is ripped apart and no meaningful Symbolic sense can be made of experience. “Absence of transcendence of the Oedipus places the subject under the regime of foreclosure or non-distinction between the symbolic and the real’; and psychotic delusions or hallucinations are the consequent result of the individual’s striving to account for what he/she experiences.

What is Functional Analysis (Psychology)?

Introduction

Functional analysis in behavioural psychology is the application of the laws of operant and respondent conditioning to establish the relationships between stimuli and responses.

To establish the function of operant behaviour, one typically examines the “four-term contingency”: first by identifying the motivating operations (EO or AO), then identifying the antecedent or trigger of the behaviour, identifying the behaviour itself as it has been operationalised, and identifying the consequence of the behaviour which continues to maintain it.

Functional assessment in behaviour analysis employs principles derived from the natural science of behaviour analysis to determine the “reason”, purpose, or motivation for a behaviour. The most robust form of functional assessment is functional analysis, which involves the direct manipulation, using some experimental design (e.g. a multielement design or a reversal design) of various antecedent and consequent events and measurement of their effects on the behaviour of interest; this is the only method of functional assessment that allows for demonstration of clear cause of behaviour.

Applications in Clinical Psychology

Functional analysis and consequence analysis are commonly used in certain types of psychotherapy to better understand, and in some cases change, behaviour. It is particularly common in behavioural therapies such as behavioural activation, although it is also part of Aaron Beck’s cognitive therapy. In addition, functional analysis modified into a behaviour chain analysis is often used in dialectical behaviour therapy.

There are several advantages to using functional analysis over traditional assessment methods. Firstly, behavioural observation is more reliable than traditional self-report methods. This is because observing the individual from an objective stand point in their regular environment allows the observer to observe both the antecedent and the consequence of the problem behaviour. Secondly, functional analysis is advantageous as it allows for the development of behavioural interventions, either antecedent control or consequence control, specifically designed to reduce a problem behaviour. Thirdly, functional analysis is advantageous for interventions for young children or developmentally delayed children with problem behaviours, who may not be able to answer self-report questions about the reasons for their actions.

Despite these benefits, functional analysis also has some disadvantages. The first that no standard methods for determining function have been determined and meta-analysis shows that different methodologies appear to bias results toward particular functions as well as not effective in improving outcomes. Second, Gresham and colleagues (2004) in a meta-analytic review of JABA articles found that functional assessment did not produce greater effect sizes compared to simple contingency management programmes. However, Gresham et al. combined the three types of functional assessment, of which descriptive assessment and indirect assessment have been reliably found to produce results with limited validity Third, although functional assessment has been conducted with a variety host of populations much of the current functional assessment research has been limited to children with developmental disabilities.

Professional Organisations

The Association for Behavioural and Cognitive Therapies (ABCT) also has an interest group in behaviour analysis, which focuses on the use of behaviour analysis in the school setting including functional analysis.

Doctoral level behaviour analysts who are psychologists belong to the American Psychological Association’s division 25 – Behaviour analysis. APA offers a diplomate in behavioural psychology and school psychology both of which focus on the use of functional analysis in the school setting.

The World Association for Behaviour Analysis offers a certification for clinical behaviour therapy and behavioural consultation, which covers functional analysis.

The UK Society for Behaviour Analysis also provides a forum for behaviour analysts for accreditation, professional development, continuing education and networking, and serves as an advocate body in public debate on issues relating to behaviour analysis. The UK-SBA promotes the ethical and effective application of the principles of behaviour and learning to a wide range of areas including education, rehabilitation and health care, business and the community and is committed to maintaining the availability of high-quality evidence-based professional behaviour analysis practice in the UK. The society also promotes and supports the academic field of behaviour analysis with in the UK both in terms of university-based training and research, and theoretical develop.

What is Ataraxia?

Introduction

Ataraxia (Greek: ἀταραξία, from alpha privative (“a-“, negation) and tarachē “disturbance, trouble”; hence, “unperturbedness”, generally translated as “imperturbability”, “equanimity”, or “tranquility”) is a Greek term first used in Ancient Greek philosophy by Pyrrho and subsequently Epicurus and the Stoics for a lucid state of robust equanimity characterised by ongoing freedom from distress and worry.

In non-philosophical usage, the term was used to describe the ideal mental state for soldiers entering battle.

Achieving ataraxia is a common goal for Pyrrhonism, Epicureanism, and Stoicism, but the role and value of ataraxia within each philosophy varies in accordance with their philosophical theories. The mental disturbances that prevent one from achieving ataraxia vary among the philosophies, and each philosophy has a different understanding as to how to achieve ataraxia.

Pyrrhonism

Ataraxia is the central aim of Pyrrhonist practice. Pyrrhonists view ataraxia as necessary for bringing about eudaimonia (happiness) for a person, representing life’s ultimate purpose. The Pyrrhonist method for achieving ataraxia is through achieving epoché (i.e. suspension of judgment) regarding all matters of dogma (i.e. non-evident belief). The Pyrrhonist philosopher Sextus Empiricus summarized Pyrrhonism as “a disposition to oppose phenomena and noumena to one another in any way whatever, with the result that, owing to the equipollence among the things and statements thus opposed, we are brought first to epoché and then to ataraxia… Epoché is a state of the intellect on account of which we neither deny nor affirm anything. Ataraxia is an untroubled and tranquil condition of the soul.”

Sextus gave this detailed account of ataraxia:

We always say that as regards belief (i.e., dogma) the Pyrrhonist’s goal is ataraxia, and that as regards things that are unavoidable it is having moderate pathē. For when the Pyrrhonist set out to philosophize with the aim of assessing his phantasiai – that is, of determining which are true and which are false so as to achieve ataraxia – he landed in a controversy between positions of equal strength, and, being unable to resolve it, he suspended judgment. But while he was thus suspending judgment there followed by chance the sought-after ataraxia as regards belief. For the person who believes that something is by nature good or bad is constantly upset; when he does not possess the things that seem to be good, he thinks he is being tormented by things that are by nature bad, and he chases after the things he supposes to be good; then, when he gets these, he falls into still more torments because of irrational and immoderate exultation, and, fearing any change, he does absolutely everything in order not to lose the things that seem to him good. But the person who takes no position as to what is by nature good or bad neither avoids nor pursues intensely. As a result, he achieves ataraxia. Indeed, what happened to the Pyrrhonist is just like what is told of Apelles the painter. For it is said that once upon a time, when he was painting a horse and wished to depict the horse’s froth, he failed so completely that he gave up and threw his sponge at the picture – the sponge on which he used to wipe the paints from his brush – and that in striking the picture the sponge produced the desired effect. So, too, the Pyrrhonists were hoping to achieve ataraxia by resolving the anomaly of phenomena and noumena, and, being unable to do this, they suspended judgment. But then, by chance as it were, when they were suspending judgment the ataraxia followed, as a shadow follows the body. We do not suppose, of course, that the Pyrrhonist is wholly untroubled, but we do say that he is troubled only by things unavoidable. For we agree that sometimes he is cold and thirsty and has various feelings like those. But even in such cases, whereas ordinary people are affected by two circumstances – namely by the pathē themselves and not less by its seeming that these conditions are by nature bad – the Pyrrhonist, by eliminating the additional belief that all these things are naturally bad, gets off more moderately here as well. Because of this we say that as regards belief the Pyrrhonist’s goal is ataraxia, but in regard to things unavoidable it is having moderate pathē.

Epicureanism

Ataraxia is a key component of the Epicurean conception of the highest good. Epicureans value ataraxia highly because of how they understand pleasure. Epicureans argue that pleasure is the highest good. They break pleasure down into two categories: the physical and the mental. They consider mental, not physical, pleasures to be the greatest sort of pleasure because physical pleasures exist only in the present; whereas mental pleasures exist in the past, the present, and the future.

Epicureans further separate pleasure into what they call kinetic and katastematic pleasures. Kinetic pleasures are those pleasures which come about through action or change. Such an action could be satisfying a desire or removing a pain, as that very sort of act is pleasurable in itself. Actions that feel good, even if not done to satisfy a desire or remove a pain, such as eating good-tasting food, also fall under the category of kinetic pleasures. Mental pleasures could also be kinetic in nature. Epicurus is said to have described joy as an example of a kinetic mental pleasure.

Katastematic pleasure is pleasure which comes about from the absence of pain or distress. This sort of pleasure can be physical or mental. Physical katastematic pleasure comes in freedom from physical disturbances, such as simply being in the state of not being thirsty. Comparatively, mental katastematic pleasure comes in freedom from mental disturbance. Those who achieved freedom from physical disturbance were said to be in a state of aponia, while those who achieved freedom from mental disturbances were said to be in a state of ataraxia.

Katastematic pleasures were regarded to be better than kinetic pleasures by Epicurus, believing that one could feel no more pleasure than the removal of all pain. Indeed, he is reported to have said:

The magnitude of pleasure reaches its limit in the removal of all pain. When pleasure is present, so long as it is uninterrupted, there is no pain either of body or of mind or of both together.

Being both a mental and katastematic pleasure, ataraxia has a supreme importance in Epicurean ethics and is key to a person’s happiness. In the Epicurean view, a person experiences the highest form of happiness should they ever be both in a state of aponia and ataraxia at the time.

Stoicism

Unlike in Pyrrhonism and Epicureanism, in Stoicism ataraxia is not the ultimate goal of life. Instead, a life of virtue according to nature is the goal of life. However, according to the Stoics, living virtuously in accordance with nature would lead to ataraxia as a byproduct.

An important distinction to be made is the difference in Stoicism between ataraxia and the Stoic idea of apatheia. While closely related to ataraxia, the state of apatheia was the absence of unhealthy passions; a state attained by the ideal Stoic sage. This is not the same as ataraxia. Apatheia describes freedom from the disturbance of emotions, not tranquillity of the mind. However, apatheia is integral for a Stoic sage to reach the stage of ataraxia. Since the Stoic sage does not care about matters outside of himself and is not susceptible to emotion because of his state of apatheia, the Stoic sage would be unable to be disturbed by anything at all, meaning that he was in a stage of mental tranquillity and thus was in the state of ataraxia.

Buddhism

Buddhism, a religion based on the teachings of Siddharta Gautama in the sixth century BC, affirms that the main cause of pain due to anguish is desire (any desire, which, because it is always associated with fear and hope, makes the heart anguish). So the flight or redemption of pain lies in the extinction or nakedness of all desire or disturbing affection, as especially the desire to live.